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                  <text>The Independent Press Association (IPA) translates articles from the ethnic press (when necessary) and distributes them via web and fax newsletter to mainstream and ethnic press, government offices, nonprofits, and interested individuals.  Voices That Must be Heard was designed by the Independent Press Association staff in New York City in response to the horrifying events of September 11.  After Sept. 11th, Voices focused on the South Asian, Arab and Middle Eastern communities in New York. Since February 2002, the project has expanded, selecting articles from the broad range of ethnic and community newspapers throughout the city. Here, the Archive has preserved the Voices collection from its inception until November 2002.</text>
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              <text>Korean-American women starting their own businesses have lower expectations than other minority businesswomen, according to a recent study. </text>
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              <text>Now, as the whole world is caught up in the excitement of the World Cup, a Korean-American businesswoman in Los Angeles has planned a small celebration of her own: she has made World Cup t-shirts, which are now being distributed to her customers in attractive shopping bags.   

The t-shirts have the flags of competing nations printed on them, as well as those of the other Latin American countries, who, although they did not make it to the World Cup, still share the love of soccer.  These t-shirts are extremely popular among her Latino customers, who make up the majority of her clientele.   She has brought the World Cup craze from Korea to L.A., creating an opportunity for a Korean-American president of a travel agency to form a close bond with her Latino customers.  

When I said to her, What a great idea!  Would you say that only a woman, with her unique sensitivity, could have come up with such an idea? the female president, who is in her 40s, merely responded, I always try to satisfy the needs of my customers.  The most difficult part of business is marketing. 

Many business experts say that the traditional roles of women as mother and wife, which involve taking care of the family, raising the children, and housekeeping, correspond to the elements necessary in business.   The instinctive ability of women to know the wants and expectations of another person and to satisfy them, can be a crucial weapon in the business arena.  

However, despite such advantages, business remains a field in which disparities between men and women are especially great.  Although the number of businesswomen has rapidly increased in the 1990s, the size of female-owned businesses is still much smaller than that of male-owned businesses.  In particular, most enterprises owned by first-generation Korean-American women have failed to grow beyond the level of a small-scale business.
  
According to a study published by the Community Development Technology Center last week, business ventures undertaken by Korean-American women are particularly small in size and have a lower potential for development than those undertaken by other minority women.  According to the organizations analysis of African-American, Hispanic, Korean-American, Chinese-American, and Vietnamese-American female business owners in L.A. and Orange County, a typical Korean-American businesswoman is someone who is in her 50s and owns a small business with less than five employees, with the sole purpose of making a living.
 
I wanted to get out of a glass ceiling and develop my own business ideas, said an African-American woman.

Chinese-American and Vietnamese-American women tended to want to own their own businesses. 

A Hispanic woman said, I wanted to escape a futureless, low-paying job and create a more prosperous life for myself.

Compared to these other minority women, the motivation of Korean-American women for starting a business is much too passive.  

The research also shows that Korean-American women utilize the internet and other new technology less than other groups; they also rank low when it comes to business networking and attending workshops and conferences, which led to the studys conclusion that the present condition of businesses owned by Korean-American women will not improve in the near future.  Why cant we be more active in our business ventures?  I asked a few Korean-American businesswomen.  

Its difficult for our generation. Theres a language barrier, and its hard at our age to learn computer skills and keep up with the newest technology.  Its good enough for us to have earned living and raised our children, said a Korean-American woman.

In order to expand your business, you have to have the courage to take risks, but women arent good at that.  We have to check everything twicewere Safety First. Our businesses may not grow big and successful, but we never go bankrupt.

They also pointed out children and housekeeping as additional obstacles, but I think the main problem lies in their low expectations as businesswomen.  When men first start working, they envision themselves as a future CEO of their company, while women tend to set their standards according to the highest position occupied by another woman.  The level of expectations that women have in their own businesses is no different.

According to a book called The Rules of Female Millionaires, the first step toward becoming a millionaire is challenging the limits set by the present conditions.  These women say that when they overcame the limits, firmly planted the seeds of dreams and visions in the field of their minds, and fertilized the soil with patience, determination, and passion, they finally gained the fruit of success.   It is now time for such tales to emerge from Korean-American women. </text>
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              <text>A police officer for the School District of Philadelphia was denied permission to offer Friday prayers. No explanation was given. Previously, this officer skipped his lunch break during the week and took two hours off on Friday afternoon to offer Friday prayers. However, after he returned to duty following a two-month leave he was denied permission for his practice.

A representative of the Council of American Islamic Relations inquired about the issue and was told by a school district attorney that the decision cannot be reviewed until next year.</text>
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              <text>A tremendous blow was inflicted on Bangladeshs image in the international arena, just as Bangladesh was building its image as a moderate Muslim country.  

This has been done in a well organized and very deliberate way by expatriate anti-Bangladeshi groups, who must have cheered when the Far Eastern Economic Review and the Wall Street Journal recently depicted Bangladesh as a fundamentalist and pro-Taliban state. The Bangladesh government and those who monitor such incidents should have known that when those disposed to destroy the public image of Bangladeshis hold closed door fund raising dinners for the politicians of this country, such defamation was inevitable. 

Bangladeshi diplomats living in Washington began a campaign of shuttle diplomacy to counter the anti-Bangladesh propaganda, a heart and soul effort to keep up the image of Bangladesh here. Ahmad and his high ranking colleagues have been meeting with the Bush Administration, mainstream politicians and congressmen frequently. 

Bangladeshi diplomats have gone to the Bush Administration and U.S. politicians of this country to talk about overall issues. But they must continually face tough questions about fundamentalism, communal problems and the oppression of minority communities. One diplomat told this correspondent that they raised such issues before discussion before the duty-free entrance of Bangladeshi goods to U.S market, general amnesty for undocumented Bangladeshis living here, exchange of high level visits and recent incidents. They have appreciated our stand. 
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              <text>One girls journey from growing up Christian in Ukraine to attending yeshiva in Brighton Beach, to accepting both her heritages as a public high school student. </text>
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              <text>The first time I stepped into a yeshiva, when I was nine, I felt like a stranger in a strange land. 

My parents and I had moved here from Ukraine only a few months earlier, so this was my first school in the United States. Plus, the yeshiva was a private school, and there were no male students, which seemed unnatural to me. 
What made me most nervous was that it was a religious school. I believe in God, but religion wasnt part of my daily life. 

Still, I got a warm welcome that first day at the yeshiva. The teacher smiled as she introduced me to my new classmates. The girls were friendly and two of them even pushed their desks towards mine so they could share their textbook with me. And it turned out many of the girls there spoke my languageRussianso I had no problem communicating with them.

But I felt weird about fitting in, and uneasy. Even though no one else knew it, the girls surrounding me were all Jewish and I was only half. My father Jewish and my mothers Christian. 

&lt;b&gt;Christened in Ukraine&lt;/b&gt;

For the first eight years of my life, I was raised as a Christian. I was christened at a Greek Orthodox church in Kiev, Ukraine. 
I became aware at four or five that my parents were of different religious origins. They told me that before I was born, theyd agreed about which religion Id practiceChristianitywith the condition that Id be exposed to both. 

I was young, so I didnt understand much about Christianity, but my mother took me to the church nearly every week and read me the Bible once in a while. She told me about Christian holidays such as Easter, the only holiday that I remember regularly observing. 
I also recall praying to Jesus as well as to God. The church had a beautiful icon of Jesus, a long and colorful portrait that portrayed Jesus face distinctly, especially his wide-open blue eyes. 

&lt;b&gt;Soviets against religion&lt;/b&gt;

All practice of religion had been discouraged under Communist rule in the Soviet Union, which Ukraine was a part of until 1991. My mother felt forced to keep her Christian practices to a minimum as a child and a grown woman. It as only after my birth that she felt more liberated in  religious matters. 
It was even worse for my father, because Jews had been discriminated against for generations. My dad was unable to practice his religion as freely as my mom and wasnt educated about his own religious background and practices. He didnt know much about keeping Shabbat (the Jewish day of rest), or other holidays besides the Jewish New Year (Rosh Hashanah) and Passover.

But he wanted me to acknowledge some Judaism, so he took me to a temple one Rosh Hashanah when I was six. I recall dipping pieces of apple into honey and receiving a bow and arrow as a present from the rabbi to all the kids. 

&lt;b&gt;Moving to the United States&lt;/b&gt;

We moved to the United States in January 1992. Since the Chernobyl nuclear reactor explosion in 1986, Id often been sick with viral and stomach infections and was hospitalized for a month with severe hives. My parents wanted to take me out of that harmful environment and bring me somewhere safer. 

We also moved because of discrimination against my fathers religion. We wanted to move to where hed be free to be Jewish. So when my uncle, who was already in the United States, sent us an invitation to come here, we did. 
When my parents and I moved to America, everything changed. We felt more liberated than ever. It was easier for us to practice any religion we wanted in any way we wanted. 

&lt;b&gt;No one knew I was half&lt;/b&gt;

But my parents were scared to put me into an American public school since they heard that public schools were dangerous. Because I was sickly, my parents thought Id be safer and more sheltered attending private school. There were no Christian schools were I lived in Brighton Beach, and the only private school that I could attend was a yeshiva, so my parents decided to enroll me there. 

None of my classmates or friends ever knew that I was only half Jewish. I didnt want them to know. I didnt know how they might react or what theyd think of me if they found out. I talked about my father more often than my mother, since she wasnt Jewish. 

At first, I didnt feel obligated to practice what everyone else at school was practicing, because I was only half Jewish and we werent observant at home. But over the next several months, I started feeling closer to Judaism and drifting away from Christianity.

&gt;b&gt;Bonding with my father&lt;/b&gt;

By fourth grade, Id learned to pray in Hebrew and practice many Jewish customs. At home, I observed Shabbat by lighting candles. I followed Orthodox Jewish law, which prohibits going on transportation and working during Shabbat. 

Sometimes I resented Jewish customs, like not eating milk and meat together, which Id loved to do for many years, or not being allowed to watch TV or write on Shabbat. And sometimes when Id pass by a church or see one on TV, Id feel a soft spot for the church, especially its choir and beautiful organ. 

But I was happy with my new identity, and it brought me closer to my father. With my yeshiva training, I taught him many things about Judaism, such as how to practice its holidays and customs, and the stories of Purim and Chanukah. We hung out a lot together and it was like we were best friends. 

&lt;b&gt;I fit in as a Jew&lt;/b&gt;

I started to compare Judaism to Christianity and examine the differences between the two. The most essential difference is that Jews believe in God only and Christians believe in God the Father, Jesus his Son, and the Holy Spirit. 

When I was a little girl, Jesus looked like a big hero to me and I loved praying to him, but as I grew olderand especially when I started learning about JudaismI questioned whether Id really had him in my heart. I liked the story of Jesus, but Judaism made more sense to me. It felt more right to pray to God only. 

I felt I fit in as a Jew; it warmed my heart to go to school and learn about the religion. I felt more obligated to keep the Jewish holidays and traditions than the Christian ones. 

At first, I just wanted to fit in with my classmates, but by fourth grade I started to identify myself as a Jew because I felt I was a Jew for real. I began to let go of my connection to Christianity. 
My mom felt left out

But my becoming more Jewish was hard on my mother. My refusal to go to church or celebrate any Christian holidays was heartbreaking for her. Before I went to yeshiva, my mother and I were close. Since my birth, she mostly stayed home and took care of me. Im an only child and we had only ourselves to talk to, so we were each others best friends. She told me everything, just like I told her. 

Within the family, who was what religion had never stood out. But after a few years of my attending yeshiva, it was obvious that my dad and I were Jewish and she was Christian. She felt left out many times when my dad and I attended the synagogue or lit candles for Shabbat. 

My mother didnt say much about how she felt about my not going to church or celebrating Christian holidays with her. She kept it to herself, but I know she was upset because I could see it in her eyes. 

&lt;b&gt;Arguments with my mother&lt;/b&gt;

I didnt go to church because I felt it was inappropriate for me as a Jew to even set foot in a church; I felt it was sacrilegious. Sometimes, my dad and I would stand outside the church doors waiting for her to finish attending the service. 

At the time, I didnt understand how much it hurt her. I didnt realize how she felt until I got older, around 15. 
My mother and I had many arguments about me trying to keep many Jewish customs and traditions. She tried to stop me from going overboard with keeping Shabbat or other holy days, but I wouldnt listen. 

I recall one argument we had about my refusal to turn on electricity one Friday night. Nothing will happen to you if you turn on your computer tonight, my mother said. If you recall, youre not a full Jew.

She was rightI wasnt a full Jewbut I was hurt. I felt I was as good and full a Jew as anyone else I knew who was Jewish.

&lt;b&gt;No one could question my Jewishness&lt;/b&gt;

I didnt want to hear it, because I wanted to keep Shabbat and not turn on electricity. I truly believe that God would punish me if I did. We argued a lot that night and in the end, I didnt turn on anything electric. Other times, after the same kinds of arguments, I gave in, but then I spent hours feeling guilty and upset. 

I became so caught up in practicing Judaism that I didnt notice how much I made my mother and her beliefs invisible to mine. I think thats one reason our relationship is so hostile and damaged now. We love each other very much but there is such a big wall between us, I dont know how well ever break through it.

But my freshman year of high school, I became so infatuated with Judaism that I spent more than an hour praying each day. 

I often took longer than my peers to finish my prayers because I took time to actually think about the words as I was saying them, and added the names of sick people to the prayers. Sometimes I was the last one left standing in the lunchroom, where the high school students gathered to pray.  

I doubted that, by the time I reached my sophomore year, anyone would question whether I was Jewish or not, including me. 

&lt;b&gt;Started feeling suffocated&lt;/b&gt;

The role Id been playing for the last five or six yearsobservant Jewish girlhad slowly but surely become me. Id become what the society around me expected me to be. Going to a Jewish school, I felt obligated to be religious; I felt obligated to be a Jew. 

I know that it was my choice whether or not to practice the religion, but at times I also felt pressured to do so. In addition, while yeshiva was a warm and safe environment, it was also secluded and isolated. I didnt feel like I was part of the larger world, or that I was expanding my horizons, and that started to bother me. 

These feelings built up so much that by the age of 16, I started feeling suffocated. I began to regret passing up my opportunity to go to a respected Brooklyn public high school focusing on journalism. I wondered what I was missing. 

Getting sick with what turned out to be chronic fatigue syndrome raised new questions for me about my yeshiva experience. Whenever I got sick and missed class, I received few phone calls from my classmates asking me how I felt, and that made me feel unimportant. No one made me a get-well card. 

&lt;b&gt;Feeling like an outsider, again&lt;/b&gt;

I felt my academic accomplishments werent appreciated either. Even though I was sick, I did very well on one of my Regents exams, and my principal asked me to come in the last day before summer vacation and make a speech to the class about trying hard and succeeding in school. 
But I didnt receive any awards certificates for my accomplishments like the rest of my class, and I wasnt called up to say one word. That hurt me very much. 
I didnt lose faith in the Jewish religion, but I did lose faith in my Jewish classmates and teachers. I stopped feeling like I belonged, and started to feel once again like a stranger in a strange land, just like I did on my first day. 

The next fall, I transferred to my neighborhood public high school, Lincoln High School, though that was partly because my illness made attending private school difficult. One among the many reasons why I left was I felt I no longer belonged there. I was also unhappy about the conflicts with my mom over my religious practices and just wanted it to end. 

When I finally left yeshiva, I felt freer and more independent. I could practice the religion I chose and not the one that was chosen for me. 

Being in a Jewish school was great experience in many respects because it taught me a lot of about God and humanity, but it also made me a slave to my religion. I took religious studies and exalted them to such a high level that I didnt notice anything else around me. 
Practicing Jewish and Christian traditions 

Now I try to practice both Jewish and Christian traditions, which I havent done in a long time. I dont think Ill ever stop praying, whether its in Hebrew or in English. I sometimes still light Shabbat candles and I care about keeping other Jewish traditions, too. 

I actually visited a church in Bay Ridge not too long ago, just to see how it looked. That was a big step for me, since I hadnt done it in so long. I also celebrated Christmas this year, for the first time in years. 
Both religions are precious to me and have shaped the way I live now. Judaism has taught me the ways of God and his love for mankind, and Christianity has taught me to show generosity and kindness towards the world around me. 

I still dont believe in Jesus as the son of God, but I havent figured out what he means to me; maybe he was a Jewish man who wanted to change the world and make it better. 

I still visit the synagogue once in a while, but now I want to try to attend church too. I dont think itll hurt my father and it may soften the barrier in my relationship with my mother. 

But I doubt Ill be making any clear-cut choices yet. I think after years of practicing both religions, Ill figure out which one of them feels right for me, and Ill convert officially. Until then, only one thing is certain: my belief in God. 
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              <text>The best strategy for rent-regulated tenants today lies in unrelenting pressure on Governor George Pataki. 


When the final gavel struck in the State Senate chamber in Albany and the 2002 legislative session came to a (not necessarily final) end, Pataki and other rent regulation foes must have thought that they had succeeded in their strategy of letting the clock run out and not taking a position on renewing the rent laws this year. 

But from the beginning Pataki and his landlord friends never really understood the Rent 2002 Campaign. They were surprised by the campaign's existence and by its momentum so far. Now they will find that pressure on Pataki will not only continue - it will grow. 

Already Pataki has received some unexpected company at many of his appearances in the downstate region this summer as a group that calls itself the "Pataki Hospitality Committee" has been hounding him as part of the Rent 2002 Campaign. 

It all started at a landlord fundraiser at the posh Water Club on the Manhattan's East Side and its been growing ever since. It then continued with demonstrations at a Pataki speech before developers at The Grand Hyatt in midtown and in front of Pataki's Manhattan office on Third Avenue. 

Picketing Pataki is fun, and it can be effective too, because Pataki needs votes in the downstate region in order to be reelected. He's angered a lot of his upstate conservative base, so he needs additional support in exactly those areas where rent regulation is an issue. 

Tenants have got to let Pataki know that our vote won't come cheap. Why should we support someone who has at best ignored us and at worst hurt us with weakening amendments in 1997?

The Rent 2002 Campaign is an effort to renew and strengthen the rent laws one year early, in 2002 - or to extract a commitment to renew the laws from Pataki. The idea of the campaign is to put pressure on legislators and the Governor in a year when all of them are up for reelection. 

Before the official launch of our campaign, many veteran political pundits told us that we were crazy to wage such an effort because Albany rarely does anything on time, never mind a year early. However, these same pundits were later surprised when the Assembly passed bills that renewed the rent laws for six years and repealed vacancy decontrol. The strong support we received from downstate Republican State Senators, especially our prime sponsor, Frank Padavan, was also surprising to many Albany observers. 

While it is premature to talk about this Campaign in the past tense (the legislature can always come back into special session), seeing that the legislative session has adjourned for the year, it would be helpful to look back at the progress we have made to date. 

Besides our legislative successes in the Assembly, the Rent 2002 Campaign did a very good job at raising awareness about this issue in a non-sunset year. We held community meetings in neighborhoods throughout the city and suburbs. We made inroads and new alliances in areas where we had never had an active membership, such as Flatbush, Rockville Center, Rockland County, and Clinton Hill. 

We convinced many of New York's largest labor unions to support us. This new support made it possible for us to print over one hundred thousand "Stronger Rent Laws Now" posters. 

And we got the media and politicians to start talking about the damage that has been done to affordable housing as a result of vacancy decontrol. Because of the Rent 2002 Campaign, vacancy decontrol is seen as just as important an issue as renewing the laws. 

All of this will bode well for us going into next year when the laws actually expire. 

However, it would be a mistake for us to let our guard down this year and start looking towards next year. Tenants must keep the pressure on Governor Pataki all summer long and into the fall. He must be made to feel that he'll pay a political price for his inaction on this very important matter. 

We should continue to write letters, make phone calls, show up at demonstrations, and encourage our friends and family to do the same. George Pataki is a very shrewd politician who believes in only one thing: getting re-elected. If we make him feel like his election is in jeopardy, we may just get what we want. He felt this way about health care, so he found it necessary to support progressive legislation in that area. He felt this way about gun control, so he did a complete 180 degree turn and supported the most stringent gun-control measure in the country. 

So it is not crazy to think that if Pataki feels enough pressure on rent regulation, he may just cave. It's up to us to make him feel it.</text>
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              <text>The Indian population in Long Island has nearly doubled in the last decade, up to 34,333 in the 2000 census from 17,523 in the 1990 census. 

With 14 percent of Long Islands immigrant population coming from the Asian and Latino communities, Hofstra University and the American Jewish Committee co-sponsored a symposium titled The Changing Face of Long Island: New Immigrant Communities from South Asia and Latin America, on April 9 at the universitys Long Island campus. 

The new immigrants from Asia and Latin America have changed the face of Long Island, from one that was predominantly white and middle class to one that is more heterogeneous in terms of ethnicity, nationality and to some degree socio-economic status, said Margaret Abraham, associate professor of sociology and chair of the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at Hofstra, who helped open the symposium.

They include wealthy entrepreneurs, professionals and workers in a range of occupations, the Indian-born Abraham added. The trend in Long Island, despite the resistance of a few segments, is to a more ethnically diversified society. 

While the minorities in Long Island continue to be segregated in terms of neighborhoods, clearly we are moving away from an all-white or racially dichotomized Long Island in terms of blacks and whites, to one that is characterized by more ethnically diverse communities. 

An interesting trend with the new immigration is that rather than dealing with the overflow from New York City to the suburbs, Long Island is becoming the first and perhaps main stop for many of the new immigrants, Abraham said. 

Contrary to the previous white flight from New York City to the suburbs that helped the development of Long Island, the current trend is for increasing movement by ethnic minorities into the suburbs. 

Abraham cited a report in Newsday which predicted that Asians and Hispanics will comprise almost a third of the population of Long Island by 2020. 

Approximately 50 guests were present at the program. 

Following the panel discussion was a series of workshops focusing on specific areas of interest: education, legal matters, housing, business and employment. 

Each workshop was staffed with professionals working in the topic areas and private individuals with first-hand knowledge of the problems and challenges these immigrant populations face. The workshops focused on strategies for progress with an eye to the future. 

Abraham told Desi Talk that the numbers clearly pointed to a growing South Asian population in Long Island, noting, We [South Asians] have a diversity of cultures that increases the community of Long Island at large. 

She said South Asians have contributed to the economy in a variety of ways: as professionals, as small business owners and as service providers. 

As far as the problems facing the South Asian population in Long Island are concerned, she said that affordable housing and cultural issues were at the forefront. 

Abraham added that it was important for schools to have greater cultural sensitivity to the different immigrant communities.

Kusum Viswanathan, a Long-Island based doctor who has three children, spoke about issues related to education, saying that not only was it important for immigrants children to be knowledgeable about their heritage and culture, but it was equally important for their peers to understand this at some level. 

In order to achieve this goal, Viswanathan said that when her children were in nursery school she would go there to give presentations on India and Indian culture. 

She would show them how a sari is worn, dress the little boys and girls in Indian clothes and bring them bindis. Many of the boys would walk out wearing bindis, she laughed.  Viswanathan stressed the importance of parent-teacher associations (PTAs) and said that Indian parents were often not as actively involved as they should be. 

She brought up an important point concerning Indian attitudes toward teachers, saying that parents always assumed that the know-all teacher was always right. Viswanathan stressed the point that such attitudes could actually be detrimental to children with genuine concerns that are not understood by their teachers. 

If a teacher complains about a child, parents should not jump to hasty conclusions that he or she is always right, but should try to look at the situation from the childs perspective as well, said Viswanathan. 

 In India, we pray to God, our parents and the teacher, and we never question the teachers judgment, she added. 

Muzaffar Chisti, director of the Migration Policy Institute at the New York University School of Law, was the luncheon speaker. 

He opened his remarks by drawing a parallel between the Jewish and the Asian and Hispanic migration to Long Island. 

A few years ago (40 or 50), we would be talking about Jewish immigrants to Long Island, he said. And now it is only appropriate that we should be talking about Hispanic and South Asian populations. 

Chisti also discussed immigration issues on a national scale, saying that the political leadership had reacted admirably, after the terrorist attacks of September 11th with U.S. President George W. Bush speaking for inclusion and highlighting the diversity of the United States. 

While Chisti agreed that civil liberties had been curtailed in the wake of September 11th, he stressed that immigration policies in general had not changed, as some had feared, after the deadly attacks. 

He said that immigrants were still allowed in the country, unlike the moratorium some feared. The larger picture is not as bad as it could have been, he noted. 

Full of praise for American diversity, which is steadily increasing, Chisti said that while Hindus and Muslims might kill each other in India or Pakistan, they generally lived together harmoniously in Queens. 

And, while the conflict in the Middle East continues to rage, Jews, Arabs and Palestinians generally live peacefully together in downtown Brooklyn. 

There is something about the chemistry of immigration that is uniquely American and uniquely transforming, </text>
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              <text>Come back another day or try another shelter, is a phrase heard all too frequently these days in soup kitchens among Latino residents.  The majority of those in need worked at the World Trade Center prior to the terrorist attacks, but did not receive benefits or wages owed them for fear of being reported to the INS.</text>
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              <text>A hunger crisis facing New York after September 11th led thousands of Latino residents to seek out free meals, such as are available at soup kitchens and food pantries.  According to a report by the organization and food bank Food for Survival, Latinos account for 28.4 percent of those who pay daily visits to the 187 soup kitchens and 34.5 percent of those at the 456 food pantries throughout the city.  These numbers reflect a steady increase in individuals seeking assistance in the eight months following September 11th.

The demand for bread has grown 80 percent in the past year, obligating one of every five food pantries and one of every six soup kitchens in the city to turn people away hungry, explained Lucy Cabrera, president of Food for Survival.  Come back another day or try another shelter, is a phrase heard all too frequently these days in soup kitchens among Latino residents.  These people are unemployed or make very little money.  The need is greatest in Brooklyn and Manhattan, said Cabrera.  In these boroughs, more than 76 percent of soup kitchens report overcrowding.

Help is being sought out more among the unemployed and homeless, and hunger is at the highest level the organization has seen in twenty years, said Cabrera.  In one soup kitchen in Queens, daily intake went from 2,000 to 3,700 people in the initial time after the attacks, and has reached 6,000 in the past few months, the majority of those being undocumented workers, said a representative of the Richmond Hills Christian Church soup kitchen, which serves residents in Woodhaven, South Ozone Park and Jamaica.

The majority of those in need worked at the World Trade Center prior to the terrorist attacks, but did not receive benefits or wages owed them for fear of being reported to the INS.  The food pantries and soup kitchens are the only places where undocumented Latinos are not at risk, explained Cabrera.  She added that the publication of the report will hopefully serve to secure more federal aid as well as increase food collection and donation.  Those in need of assistance or who wish to donate food can call 1-866-NYC FOOD for more information.</text>
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              <text>The Federal Communications Commission (FCC) announced on April 15 that its investigation led to the arrest of Paul Dorleans, an unlicensed radio station operator in Brooklyn. 

The action has elicited positive reactions from legal radio station owners on the FCCs efforts to crack down on pirate stations.

The FCC is the government agency responsible for regulating interstate and international communications by radio, television, wire, satellite and cable. Its Enforcement Bureau conducted the investigation that led to the arrest of Dorleans, who used 87.9 FM to broadcast.

Prior enforcement actions had failed to deter Mr. Dorleans unlicensed operation of the FM station, according to a FCC statement. The FCC, on more than one occasion, had issued notices to Mr. Dorleans directing him to cease operation of the unlicensed station.

The report said the U.S. Marshals Service, which made the arrest, seized Dorleans radio equipment on one previous occasion. Calls to the U.S. Attorney Generals office, which is handling Dorleans case, went unanswered. 

FCC crackdowns on pirate stations have become a regular occurrence over the years, but have not been enough to deter unlicensed radio operators. 

In Brooklyn, many stations operated by Haitian businessmen have been closed down in recent years, sources said. One source said about 18 Haitian illegal stations were on the air about two years ago, an unprecedented number, said a New York-based radio station owner who declined to be identified.

While the broadcast of an AM news station could be heard very faintly and with a lot of static on 87.9 FM, it was not on New York Radio Guides list of FM stations.
At least 15 illegal stations are operating in southern Florida, said Rudolph Moise, president and chief executive officer of Radio Carnivale, which began airing in South Florida this year. The station is registered under WRHB-AM 1020.

We have a lot of pirate stations, Moise said. The FCC closes them down and they open again the next day.

While at a conference of the National Association of Radio Broadcasters held in Las Vegas April 7-12, Moise said he spoke to FCC officials, who also advised him to inform the Attorney Generals office of his concerns.  

Four Brooklyn Haitians said the FCC is right in closing down illegal stations.
Were living in the United States. Were supposed to follow the laws that the country has in place, said Carl St. Amand, a tire shop owner.

St. Amand said people who mount unlicensed stations are doing a disservice to the community. He said they tend to be disrespectful in their contents by allowing callers to use profanity and debate irrelevant issues.

Renan Saint Ilmon, a frequent traveler between the United States and Haiti, said, The radio (stations) are in disorder. 
The existence of unlicensed stations has caused interference not only on the listeners dials, but also with the financial profits of licensed stations. 

Moise said legal stations lose advertising revenue, although small, to the cheaper rates of pirate stations. He said pirate stations cause the skewing of the licensed stations ratings since their waves carry away some of the licensed stations listeners. 

Also, Moise said, it is unfair to legal station owners who pay millions of dollars in fees and other startup expenses. The illegal stations take advantage of frequencies that they do not pay for. Moise said it costs $150,000 to $200,000 a month to operate Carnivale, which will celebrate its first-year anniversary May 18.

Supporters of unlicensed stations blame the Telecommunications Act of 1996, which permitted consolidations. They say the pirate stations cater to the need for diversity in radio. 
Since the Telecommunications Act of 1996 was passed, the quality of commercial broadcasting has dropped badly, Paul Griffin stated in an article in the Wash. Free Press. This deregulation by Congress has led to a huge consolidation in the broadcast industry. The net effect is the radio has no diversity now.

However much some listeners appreciate the variety in sound bites, the FCC may apply penalties of up to $11,000 per violation and, by court order, seize all radio equipment being used, as well as ordering owners to cease operation. If convicted, operators may be fined $100,000 and be sentenced to up to one year in prison.</text>
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              <text>Community leaders are appealing to Pakistani-Americans to vote Democrat in the upcoming midterm elections. Democrats have a better record on immigration. Many Muslim organizations brought out a Republican vote in November 2000, a decision they regret because of the Bush Administration's crackdown on Muslims.

Pakistanis have historically voted Republican. The Pakistani community voted Republican in 2000 with a lot of hope; Muslim organizations in particular pushed the Republican cause.

Since September 11th, with the Pakistani community in America suffering discrimination at the hands of a Republican administration, many Pakistani are asking the leaders of their community organizations, religious groups, and mosques, what good was their Republican vote?

November 5th is election day for seats in the Congress. Several governors' races will also be decided in various states. This is a golden opportunity for Pakistanis and Muslims in America to vote Democrat and show their dismay with the Republican party.

This is why it is important to register to vote and apply for citizenship as soon as one is eligible.

Leaders of the Pakistani community, including Zakir Siddiqui, Iftikhar Butt, Shahid Chughtai, Sajid Malik, Inaam Abbas, Dr. Fahim Butt, and Shafqat Choudhry have appealed for a Democratic vote.</text>
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              <text>For some, September 11th and the intifada are a result of the same Islamic extremism and its assault on western values. For others, the events must be kept separate, for while terrorism struck in both countries, Americas war on Al Qaeda is markedly different from the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.</text>
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              <text>By including a tribute to Israeli victims of terror in its recommendations for how its chapters might memorialize September 11th, the national Hillel movement hoped to create an inclusive atmosphere in which American Jews could connect with Israelis in their moment of loss.

But the mixed reaction to the program illustrates the disparate views American Jews hold about how to commemorate terror attacks in both countries one year after September 11th and two years since the start of the intifada.

For some, September 11th and the intifada are a result of the same Islamic extremism and its assault on Western values. For others, the events must be kept separate, for while terrorism struck in both countries, Americas war on Al Qaeda is markedly different from the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. 

Im uncomfortable with the linkage, said Rabbi Andrew Bachman, executive director of the Edgar M. Bronfman Center for Jewish Student Life, the Hillel center at New York University. Each event in history needs to be understood in its own light. Could you compare two national struggles over one piece of land to Al Qaeda seeing America as the cause of all evil and corruption in the entire world? Thats not what Hamas is necessarily railing about. Bachman said he would not have invoked Israeli victims during a September 11th memorial but he stressed that the Hillel program does so gracefully and with integrity.

Outside the political realm, some religious and communal leaders are asking whether it is an injustice to the victims of both countries to invoke the recent deadly bombing at Hebrew University, for example, while memorializing the victims of the Twin Towers and Pentagon attacks.

Our first obligation is to mourn the losses, not to make linkages between them, said Rabbi Bradley Hirschfield, vice president of CLAL-The National Jewish Center for Learning and Leadership. We have to be careful not to connect [September 11th] to Israel in a way that actually loses site of the enormity of what happened here on that day.

We also need to be very careful that in linking [September 11th] with terrorism in Israel that we dont use September 11th to score political points for a particular understanding of the actions of Israel, Hirschfield said. CLAL is producing an audio tape of prayers, Jewish and American texts, music and readings geared to September 11th. The tape opens with Brahms Requiem, and moves from the sounds of sirens to the blowing of the shofar. 

Rabbi David Wolpe of the Conservative Sinai Temple in Los Angeles said it is really appropriate to memorialize September 11th without references to terrorism in Israel. 

But other religious leaders said discussing victims in Israel during a memorial for Americans is just as appropriate. Rabbi Eric Yoffie, president of the Reform movements Union of American Hebrew Congregations, said referencing Israeli victims shows attacks on both countries are very much intertwined in our consciousness. Its important for us to make that connection. But Yoffie stressed that the distinctiveness of September 11th should not be lost.

Rabbi Shmuel Goldin of Ahavat Torah in Englewood, N.J. said he will be sure to pay public tribute to Israeli victims at the county-wide September 11th memorial, scheduled to take place at his Orthodox synagogue. 

We would be remiss if we did not mention the victims around the world and particularly in Israel, Golding said.

A co-creator of Hillels memorial program, Rabbi Avi Weinstein, director of Hillels Joseph Meyerhoff Center for Jewish Learning, said memorializing September 11th without acknowledging events in Israel would be unthinkable. 

September 11th was a unique event in America, Weinstein said. But it is an ongoing event in Israel and this seemed like the opportunity to reflect on that as well. Weinstein noted that Jewish tradition often combines the mourning of several tragic events.

The program includes a pamphlet with new prayers fashioned from ancient texts; thumbnail biographies of September 11th victims from The New York Times; letters from two Hillel alumni who were killed in the bombing at Hebrew University, and words and images from the Bible and Talmud meant to refer to September 11th as well as terrorism in Israel. It points out that the word for lawlessness in the Book of Proverbs is hamas.

Hirschfield rejected this parallel: Use of religious texts to label anyone wicked is a very dangerous program on September 11th, because after all that is exactly what got those people to ram those planes on September 11th, he said.

Hirschfield said he found in poor taste the oft-stated phrase that since September 11th Americans understand what Israelis are going through. Its like standing over an open grave and saying now you understand. What does that mean? Was it worth it?

The dustup over the memorial program illustrates the singular experience American Jews face this year as they commemorate the most devastating attack on America at a time when Israel is facing an almost daily toll of deadly violence. 

At a September 11th memorial service to be held at the New Jewish High School of Greater Boston in Waltham, Mass., Israel will not be invoked in the memorial because, in the words of headmaster Rabbi Daniel Lehmann, its important for students to relate to September 11th as a unique and somewhat separate event. 

Lehmann acknowledged that American Jews will observe the anniversary of September 11th differently than other Americans. The notion that that kind of violence is still very much a part of our experience as Jews beyond September 11th, not just in a hypothetical sense but in a real sense, makes our commemoration that much more powerful and perhaps more focused, he said.

Its not just whats going on in Israel, its the antisemitism going on worldwide, Lehmann said. Security concerns are felt more intensely in the American Jewish community. And if we do end up going to war with Iraq, thats also going to be very complicated.

Lehmanns non-denominational school is planning a memorial that will include liturgical rituals, the study of relevant Jewish texts, the decoration of a Yahrtzeit memorial candle and a speech by a close friend of a hijacking victim from the Boston area. 

On the other hand, Lehman did not object to other memorials making the connection between September 11th and the Intifada: Both the source of September 11th and the source of a lot of whats happening in Israel stems from a common Islamic culture, and a lot of Islamic fundamentalism is playing into both.

&lt;i&gt; With reporting by the Jewish Telegraphic Agency&lt;/i&gt;</text>
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              <text>Because their employers did not pay the health insurance fee to the union on time, about a thousand garment workers from a dozen Chinatown garment firms lost their guaranteed health insurance from the union yesterday. 

The garment workers union staged an alternative strike, by organizing frequent meetings during working hours, to pressure factory owners to sign a contract requiring them to pay workers health insurance fees.  To fight back, the factory owners threatened to close the factories. The victims of the stalemate are the one thousand of workers who want to keep their health insurance, as well as their job.  These days, more and more workers are asking about government health care. 

A female worker went for a thorough physical examination at Local  23-25 Unites mid-Manhattan health center yesterday. After the basic check-up, the doctor asked her to come back later for a further exam. The worker knew she couldnt because her union health insurance would be cut off by the end of that day.

Like this female worker, many garment workers rushed to the clinics yesterday to use their health insurance for the last time. However, one days check-up cannot guarantee a lifetimes worth of health. The workers worried about where they would get the money to visit a doctor in the future. 

The union said there were still a dozen firms that hadnt signed the contract, which requires that factory owners pay a $115 health insurance fee for each of their workers to the union. And some other firms that did sign, havent paid one cent since July of this year. The union said it would distribute a list of the firms which had paid the money to the manufacturers, and ask them to process orders only from those on the list.

Mae Chan, associate director of Local 23-15 Unite, said the union thought about a formal strike last week. But during the last several days, more firms signed the contract or paid the money. It did not seem necessary to organize a formal strike. But the union said it would continue to organize meetings during working hours in those firms that hadnt signed or paid yet. This is another type of strike, Chan said. 

Teddy Lai, executive manager of Greater Blouse, Skirt &amp; Undergarment Association, Inc., said yesterday that although factory owners cannot fire workers because of their participation in a strike, the strike may cause the closure of factories. And, it would be hard for garment workers of those closed firms to find a new job in the current economic situation. 

Qingkun Cheng, a garment factory owner, said, when the industry was in its heyday, it was the manufacturer who paid for the workers health insurance. Now that the industry is in a downturn, the ball was thrown to the factory owners. According to Cheng, $115 per worker was a big burden for the ownersand he believed the price would continue to increase.

An owner, who only identified himself as Mr. Chen, said that the union shouldnt cut the workers health insurance under any circumstances. But Mr. Chen said that he hasnt signed the contract yet because he would have to pay the health insurance fee for his 40 workers, which is more than four thousand dollars per month. If I sign the contract, the only thing I could do next is to close the factory, he said.

The owner of the factory at 80 Walker Street recently signed the contract, but he said its only to avoid an immediate strike. He estimates that most of the firms which have signed the contract will survive, at most, for a few months. The garment industry will face a more severe situation when more firms close.

The union will assist the workers who lost their health insurance to buy COBRA insurance. But compared to the garment workers meager salary, the insurance fees of $181 per month for single person, and $450 for a family, are likely to be too much. 

A female worker, who identified herself as Ms. Leung, said that since the union cannot guarantee health insurance, it is meaningless to join. People who are familiar with the industry said that because the union cannot provide unionized firms as much manufacture orders as they did, some unionized firms may have to close and reopen as a non-unionized firm. And the unionized workers will lose their jobs during the shuffle.</text>
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              <text>Francisco Antonio Peña Guaba, the Consul General of the Dominican Republic in New York City, is preparing for a fight. He has already strengthened his reserves by calling upon community and legal organizations that work with the estimated eight million undocumnted immigrants in the United Statesto support him in the creation of an amnesty program for undocumented Dominicans.

Our community comprises one of the most numerous and hard-working groups of all Latinos who come to the United States in search of the American Dream. President Hipolito Mejía recognizes this and has circulated a petition calling for a special legalization program  amnesty that permits us to work and support our families in the U.S. as much as in the Dominican Republic, said Peña Guaba.

The majority of undocumented Dominican immigrants live in New York, New Jersey, Massachusetts, and Florida. According to Peña Guaba, President Mejías support for this program represents the first time in Dominican history that a president has taken such action in support of immigrants in the U.S. 
Mejía called for amnesty for Dominicans during his October visit to Washington when he met with Secretary of State Colin Powell and New York Governor George E. Pataki. He asked that the United States government show Dominicans the same goodwill they have shown other Latino immigrants who have been awarded amnesty, namely Salvadorans, Hondurans, and Guatemalans.

Peña Guaba also emphasized his support for movements in New York and 16 other states to procure a general amnesty for Latino immigrants, as well as U.S. Representative Richard Gephardts proposal to grant amnesty to immigrants residing in the U.S. for more than five years. Recently both the Congress and the White House have been overwhelmed by hundreds of thousands of letters in support of such a program. 

Any initiative that supports amnesty for Latinos, and especially for Dominicans, will always be welcome and will receive our unconditional support, said Peña Guaba. He added, we are behind all efforts to obtain legal residency for all immigrants in the U.S., and especially in New York where a large number of Dominicans live.</text>
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              <text>A New York court bail for a Mexican immigrant accused of raping, sodomizing and prostituting two adolescents that he lured from his country with the promise of wealth.

Daniel Pérez appeared in Brooklyn Criminal Court, accused of bringing two young Mexican women on false pretexts to California and then to Brooklyn, where he forced them to become sexual slaves.

Perezs defense attorney, Martin Marchak, requested bail of Judge Betty Williams, who denied it as soon as the district attorney objected.

District Attorney Wilfred Cotto defended his objection, explaining that, the seriousness of the charges, including lesions on the neck and vaginal trauma in the young women necessitating treatment at a New York medical center. 

We need time to investigate the truth of the allegations, said Marshak, who complained that the district attorney refuses to release the names of the witnesses, preventing him from communicating with them. Marshak called the measure interference.

Pérez allegedly beat the 17-and 19-year-old victims and kept them against their will in his apartment, in Greenwood Heights, Brooklyn, from May 12th until last Monday, making them work in a brothel on the Lower East Side, the police reported.
 
The young Aztec womens suffering ended when they escaped their employer, and headed to the subway where they asked a Hispanic woman for help. She drove them to the authorities.

Of short stature, dressed like an adolescent and with bloodshot eyes, the 21-year-old Pérez was shouted out of the courtroom during his first appearance, as the numerous charges against him were read. 

Orlando Rivera, communications associate for the Brooklyn district attorneys office, announced that the grand jury would determine the legitimacy for the charges. 

[Editors note: According to Rivera, a grand jury indicted Perez on June 6, on charges of kidnapping, promoting prostitution and related charges. A court date for Perezs arraignment is not yet scheduled.]

Pérezs neighbors said he spent very little time in the apartment and they did not know about his illegal activities.

If the accusations are true, he should be punished with all the weight of the law, said one resident, who did not want to identify herself. The majority of his neighbors did not know of the case.

Many immigrants are ultimately confronted with this problem and they dont file charges for fear of being deported, said Esperanza Chacón of the Asociacion Tepeyac, who explained that the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) has a special visa status to protect the women who come under false pretenses.  

This everyone should know, she said. They should not fear reporting the case to the authorities and community organizations.</text>
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              <text>students. Weekly Thikana, January 18, 2002. Translated from Bangla by Moinuddin Naser.
Twenty-three students and teachers at the City University of New York (CUNY) initiated a hunger strike Tuesday to protest the recently implemented tuition fee hike for undocumented immigrant students. Most organizations engaged in the movement immigrants rights expressed solidarity with the hunger strike.
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              <text>Twenty-three students and teachers at the City University of New York (CUNY) initiated a hunger strike Tuesday to protest the recently implemented tuition fee hike for undocumented immigrant students. Dr. Bill Crain, a professor in the Psychology Department, coordinated the three-day-long hunger strike, as well as participated himself. The strikers will protest in front of the main offices of CUNYs Board of Trustees.

They were backed by a lawsuit in the New York State Supreme Court charging the tuition increase is illegal and discriminatory. The case will be heard on January 25, 2002. 
Hunger striker Jerry Dominguez, a member of the Mexican-American Students Friendship, said undocumented immigrants must now pay $13,600 for four semesters of coursework, an increase of $7,200. 

CUNY spokesman Michael Arena said about 2,200 do not have immigration documents.  He further said about two lakhs (200,000) students are studying at the 17 campuses of the university. Protesters charge that CUNY enacted tuition hike for undocumented immigrants due to the terrorist attack of September 11. 

The students who are on hunger strike said that many of them would not be able to continue their studies because of the increase in the tuition fee. It may be mentioned that if CUNY enacts the tuition increase, other public universities may follow suit. So activists have been mobilized, as well as filing the lawsuit. Most organizations engaged in the movement immigrants rights expressed solidarity with the hunger strike.
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              <text>The Korean American Nail Association of New Jersey initiated a petition campaign in support of a Korean language nail salon licensing exam in the state of New Jersey.  To direct the campaign, the association set up a 300-square-foot office on April 3 in Palisades Park near Route 5.    

For the past several years, the association has demanded the state regulatory agency introduce a Korean language exam. To push the measure more effectively, the association initiated the petition.
First, we will try to collect 2,000 signatures from our 1,200 strong member stores, Association President Steve Ryu said. 

The state permits Korean language licensing instruction and training. I dont understand why it does not allow a Korean language exam, said Ryu. 

Ryu pointed out that the regulatory agency had toughened up licensing eligibility standards. For example, it increased the mandatory instruction time to 300 hours from 200 hours.

Ryu also said that the association would try to convince the regulatory agency to change its enforcement approach. The agency focuses on issuing fines, said Ryu, when it should be education- or information-oriented. 

To increase effectiveness, the association will hire a staffperson to direct its petition drive and visit local politicians offices.  

On May 5, the association, with sponsorship from Nail Supplier High Fashion, plans to have a seminar on new nail products and techniques.      
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              <text>Visa system reform in the United States may drastically change the make-up of American society. Transforming America into a country of immigrants (26 million, not including the five million undocumented) could be successfully halted, but only for a short while. The largest ever number of immigrants settled in the United States in the last ten years. The U.S. Census noted a 30 percent increase of immigrants over the ten year period. Two years ago, foreign-born U.S. residents constituted 9.7 percent of the nation. The lowest number noted was in 1970, when immigrants accounted for only 4.7 percent.

The second significant factor indicating serious changes in American society, is the growth of the Hispanic community, which amounts to more than a half of all immigrants. Asians are second, with 27 percent and only 17 percent of all immigrants are European. There is a notable racial-ethnic shift. The United States is more and more international and the white population originating from Europe is becoming a minority.

The third factor relates to naturalization. The percentage of foreigners residing in the United States who become U.S. citizens is decreasing. Only 35 percent of immigrants obtain an American passport, whereas in 1970, 64 percent did. Asians expressed the strongest interest in US citizenship, immigrants from Europe remain at the same interest level as in 1970, and Latin American immigrants are the most reluctant to be naturalized (only 22 percent of Mexicans were naturalized in 1990).

There are a number of reasons to explain this phenomenon, such as tighter restrictions on applying for naturalization, or the INS indolence. The main reason probably relates to the ongoing transformation into a multi-cultural society. The knowledge of English, values and history of the United States are less important. The emphasis is now on creating a mosaic of individual cultures, languages and traditions which have equal rights. It has become easier than ever to live in the United States in closed communities that are no longer considered ethnic ghettos buton the contraryare supported as minority groups developing their own language, culture and heritage.

Newcomers in general settle in a few selected states. The largest number go to California (8.1 million), New York (3.6 million), Florida (2.4 million), Texas (2.2 million), New Jersey (1.2 million) and Illinois (1.1. million). The data released by U.S. Census once again defeats the myth of immigrants being a burden on American taxpayers. 92 percent of immigrants aged 25 to 54 work (more or less the same number among native-born Americans). Unemployment figures show 6.9 percent of immigrants who have no jobs compared to 5.4 percent among Americans.

At the same time, immigrants are poorer: As many as 21 percent live under the poverty line, while just 12.9 percent among Americans qualify as poor. This number includes mainly uneducated or even illiterate masses from Latin America. These people do the most unskilled jobs.

The United States lives off immigrants. Without this mass of foreigners, the United States could not prosper. It is impossible to stop the influx of immigrants.</text>
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              <text>Asian organizations accused San Diego-based costume maker Disguise, Inc., of discrimination because their Kung Fu-style mask, which Disguise, Inc. put on the market this September in time for Halloween. 

The mask was sold with a set of Kung Fu clothes, and depicted a bucktoothed, slant-eyed Kung Fu figure, with a Chinese character on its headband that read defeated. It was named Kung Fool and was sold for $25 to $34 at Walmart, Party City and Target stores nationwide. Strong reaction from Asian organizations and the media prompted Disguise to issue a recall and promised to buy back those masks already sold to customers. 

The Organization of Chinese Americans (OCA), National Asian Pacific American Legal Consortium and the National Asian Students Alliance all published statements criticizing Disguise for racism against Asians. They said that the mask perpetuates racism and dehumanizes the entire community.

In a protest statement, Christine Chen, executive director of the OCA, said, Disguise claims they produce high quality, innovative products. What they do is far from what they say. Asian American customers are not interested in this product at all. Asian Americans have $250 billion consuming power. To single out this community isnt wise even from a commercial perspective. 

Spokesman Chris Wahl issued a formal apology on behalf of Disguise Inc., which is one of the nations leading costume manufacturers. The company said its original intention was to present the Kung Fu figure humorously, and didnt mean to offend any racial group.

But the Asian community was pissed off. Internet users posted notes in protest on BBS and the issue was widely discussed in chat rooms. The Asian news website yellowworld.org also organized a sign-to-protest campaign. Elber Oh, founder of yellowworld.org said, Asian Americans dont want to be the plaything of Halloween.

An Asian Internet user, who posted a note on BBS, said that he was very hurt when he saw the mask. I was shocked. The mask brought back the bitter memory of when I was called alien at school. Decades have passed, and society is still biased [against Asians]. Fortunately, the Asian community is not as it was. We are strong enough to fight back, he said.</text>
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              <text>Kenidia Gomez, a Bronx mother of five, was nearly illiterate when she signed up at the Center for Reading and Writing (CRW) at the Fordham Library a year ago. Of all the hurdles that come with that handicap, the most difficult was in her home. "It was very hard because my kids would say, 'Read me a story' and I would say I couldn't," she said. "Now, I can read them a story at night." </text>
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              <text>Kenidia Gomez, a Bronx mother of five, was nearly illiterate when she signed up at the Center for Reading and Writing (CRW) at the Fordham Library a year ago. Of all the hurdles that come with that handicap, the most difficult was in her home. "It was very hard because my kids would say, 'Read me a story' and I would say I couldn't," she said. "Now, I can read them a story at night."

For Bakmo Ceesay, who emigrated from West Gambia in 1997, the hardest part came when he tried to apply for work. "When I came here, my reading was very poor," he said. "When I wanted to fill out a job application, someone else had to do it for me."

Now, both Gomez and Ceesay are improving their reading and writing skills twice a week at the CRW at the Fordham Library, 2556 Bainbridge Ave. With 25 tutors and 200 students, and many more adults who use the CRW's literacy software, the center is the largest of nine in the New York Public Library system. CRW students range in age and backgrounds; all have a fifth grade reading level or below.

Students come to the center for different reasons. Some are immigrants who know only conversational English, others left school because they had to work and support their families, and some have learning disabilities that were not addressed. Other students said they "did not pay attention in school until it was too late."

During a recent Thursday afternoon class, CRW students sat in small groups with a tutor, working on an assignment about the Bronx. They wrote about their neighborhoods, about the Bronx Zoo, and the New York Botanical Garden. The students quietly focused on their work, as their tutors went around helping them one-by-one.

When they're not in the classroom, students often spend free time using library computers to practice literacy and spelling skills, surfing the Internet, and writing e-mail. The CRW students also have Internet workshops, celebrate themes like Poetry Month or Women's History Month, and take field trips. "Our goal is to really make independent readers so they can write grocery lists, fill out forms, and read the newspaper," said Barbara Martinez, the program's site director.

Martinez says one of the biggest benefits of learning to read is the confidence that students gain. Pride was on display everywhere in the Thursday class, as the students showed off their essays and poems. Many of their writings are compiled into a paper journal and an on-line journal. Nora Katz, a 45-year-old mother with a learning disability, is proud that she can read books for the first time ever. She even has a favorite book now, "My Name is Mary."

All the students have a strong appreciation for their tutors, and even had a thank-you reception for them on April 25. "They don't get paid," Gomez said. "They do it out of the kindness of their heart."

The program is year-round, and groups meet some mornings, afternoons and evenings and on Saturdays. Currently, there is a waiting list of around 50 people. Under Mayor Bloomberg's proposed budget, the New York Public Library could be cut by between 15 and 22 percent. It would mean that five of eight Centers for Reading and Writing would close, including one in the Bronx. As the borough's main branch, Fordham's CRW would remain open, but would likely be in even greater demand due to the cuts.

Students at the Fordham CRW wrote over 100 letters to the mayor asking him not to implement the library cuts. "They wrote about the value of this program and how much they've gained and asked where they would go without it," Martinez said.

For the students, participating in the literacy program means working toward independence. According to the National Institute for Literacy, more than 20 percent of adults in New York City read at or below a fifth-grade level. These adults have a high rate of unemployment and poverty, and many rely on public assistance.

The students have each set their own goals. Some want to move on to pre-GED or GED classes. Others want to get a job, or a better job. Some students have their sights set on reading the newspaper or reading notices from their children's teachers.

Martinez said the biggest reward comes when students attain their goals. She got a call from a former student about a year ago, who thanked her and said she had just graduated from Mercy College. Martinez also said she was recently moved to tears when a student who couldn't write his name a few months ago read her a paragraph out loud.

"Success comes in big and small," Martinez said. "True success comes when a person couldn't do something before and now can do it well."

&lt;i&gt;Editor's Note: The Center for Reading and Writing holds literacy classes some mornings, afternoons and evenings and on Saturdays. For more information, call (718) 579-4222.&lt;/i&gt;

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              <text>More than 100 activists, defending of the interests of welfare recipients, arrived in Washington in early February.  Congress must revisit the 1996 Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act by September. Some legislators were supportiveand some told them to learn English. </text>
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              <text>The law that Democratic President Bill Clinton signed under pressure from the Republican Congress on August 22, 1996, was elegantly named Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act. 

Before Clinton signed it, the Democrats focused on incentives to hire welfare clients and thorough assistance for families moving to paid employment. In particular, they insisted the government pay for transportation, childcare, Medicaid, and some food stamps for the first five years after moving off welfare. In addition, Democrats wanted to increase professional development programs, job placement, and free English language classes. For their part, Republicans proposed punitive sanctions against those receiving social benefits, including five-year time limits on welfare benefits, a prohibition on benefit increases to single mothers who give birth to another child, and the discontinuation of federal programs (Social Security, Medicare, Food Stamps, Medicaid) to legal immigrants. Both parties came out for the introduction of welfare work requirements  from 30 to 35 hours a week, with minor exceptions.

On September 30, 2002, the U.S. Congress must pass a new welfare law. I recall that, in 1996, only the titanic efforts of Congressional Democrats, the National Immigration Forum, the American Association of Jews from the Former Soviet Union, and the efforts of other immigrant organizations in many states made it possible to amend the Personal Responsibility Act. But even now, legal immigrants who arrived in the United States after August 22, 1996 dont have the right to Social Security, the federal food stamps program, Medicaid or Medicare. Even refugeesgranted an exception for the period of the first seven years after their arrivalare in danger. On August 22, 2003, refugees could lose their SSI and Medicaid if they have not become American citizens. (Those who arrived before then are still eligible.) 

In early February, more than 100 activists from 32 welfare rights and immigrant organizations from 25 states brought together by GROWLGrassroots Organizing for Welfare Leadershiparrived in Washington to lobby Congress. Activists, defenders of the interests of welfare recipients want their voices to be heard in state capitols, in the Capitol in Washington, and in the White House. GROWL invited the Independent Press AssociationNew York, of which the newspaper Forward is a member, to take part. And so your correspondent, who was the only Russian-speaker, found himself in the group of GROWL delegates charged with submitting new amendments to the law on welfare reform.
The majority of GROWL activists are Latinos and African-Americans. However, many questions discussed in the course of meetings with legislators and surfaced in the briefing to Congress directly affect the vital interests of our community. 

Could we really be indifferent to whether limits will be revoked on federal social programs for older, non-U.S. citizens? Do we really think there are only a small number of Russian-speaking immigrants who receive welfare, food stamps, and Medicaid? Do we really have no need for free English classes? And could anyone really disagree with GROWLs assertion that many poor people dont know their rights, and are not informed about the assistance available? Language discrimination in welfare offices does not only affect those who have left Asia or Latin America. Hence, I lament the virtual breakdown of the powerful international organizations of our immigrants  the American Association of Jews from the Former Soviet Union, which was the primary initiator of the 1997 march on Washington.

But lets return to GROWL and welfare reform. Representatives submitted four bills which would make radical amendments. They were introduced by Dennis Kucinich (D-Ohio), Nadia Velasquez (D-N.Y.), Patsy Mink (D-Hawaii), and Benjamin Cardin (D-Md.). The most radical bill is brought by Velasquez. Her Welfare Recipients Lifeline Act of 2002 would end the five-year limit for some, and eliminate all restrictions on federal social programs for immigrants.  In the Senate, an analogous bill was submitted for consideration by Sen. Jon Corzine (D-N.J.) and Paul Wellstone (D-Minn.). 

In the Senate, where the Democrats have a majority, the idea of defending indigent legal immigrants is relatively popular.  But in the Republican-majority House, such amendments are seen as misguided generosity during a very expensive war. The White House and Republican leaders support a decrease in financial assistance with welfare to states, and for the continuation of the five-year limit on welfare, with a further two-year limits on SSI, Medicaid, food stamps and Medicare for non-U.S. citizens who arrived in the country after August 22, 1996. 

The legislators moods were easy to read as their aides met with GROWL delegates. For example, at Sen. Hillary Clintons (D-N.Y.) office, guests were promised all kinds of assistance. The GROWL delegation encountered full understanding and sympathy in the offices of Rep. Charles Rangel (D-N.Y.) and Jane Schakowsky (D-Ill.). In Rep. Lamar Smiths (R-Texas) office, Spanish-speaking GROWL activists were advised to learn English better. 

The GROWL briefing was attended by Rep. John Conyers (D-Mich.), and Rep. Dennis Kucinich (D-Ohio) and the aides of six Republican representatives, among them Rep. Wally Herger (R-Calif.), chairman of the important human resources subcommittee. Kucinich, representing the liberal-progressive wing in the House, supported GROWLs proposal and called on Congress to take up the issue of welfare reform. It is the responsibility of Congress to provide working, low-income people with health insurance and free child care, he said, in combination with education for welfare recipients (that includes courses in professional development, GED, ESL, studies in Business School, etc.). Similar measures have a much greater effect in the struggle with poverty than limits on the time one can receive welfare, or sanctions against legal immigrants.

As long as Congress and the White House are managed  through millions in donations and electoral funds  by the Enrons, the tobacco companies and the Microsofts, said Conyers, there will be nothing to say about genuine welfare reform. Instead, millions that should be invested in education, health insurance, and help for the unemployed will be given away by the government in the form of enormous tax advantages for big corporations, he declared.
Laura Barrera, a delegate from the Los Angeles Coalition for the Defense of the Rights of Immigrants, offered an example of the inhumanity poor immigrants often face. She told the story of Spanish-speaking immigrant Marisela Ron. She and her husband worked, but their jobs did not provide health care.  Because of welfare reform, Medicaid wasnt available to them. When their older daughter Atali needed medical care, the family barely managed to find a charity fund to pay the $5,000 for an MRI and other tests. When Ron herself urgently needed medical care in the fourth month of her pregnancy, the hospital was in no hurry to stop her blood loss, and as a result, she lost her baby. 

No one knows how the fight over the rights of the indigent in this time of economic recession and the war on terrorism will turn out. We hope that the efforts of rights and immigrant organizations, articles in newspapers, and mass protests will bear fruit. We must not deprive older legal immigrants of the means to survive because they do not know English. We must not deprive good, successful students of the opportunity to study. And we must not use the desire to fight bin Laden as an excuse not to fight poverty.
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                <text>More than 100 activists, defending of the interests of welfare recipients, arrived in Washington in </text>
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                  <text>The Independent Press Association (IPA) translates articles from the ethnic press (when necessary) and distributes them via web and fax newsletter to mainstream and ethnic press, government offices, nonprofits, and interested individuals.  Voices That Must be Heard was designed by the Independent Press Association staff in New York City in response to the horrifying events of September 11.  After Sept. 11th, Voices focused on the South Asian, Arab and Middle Eastern communities in New York. Since February 2002, the project has expanded, selecting articles from the broad range of ethnic and community newspapers throughout the city. Here, the Archive has preserved the Voices collection from its inception until November 2002.</text>
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              <text>Weve come too far, marched too long, prayed too hard, wept too bitterly, bled too profusely, and died too young to not take advantage of the battles weve won. As the Black media, we need to do a better job of educating our community on the importance of voting. </text>
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              <text>H. Carl McCall, the gubernatorial candidate with an impressive resume, years of public service experience, and the only Black ever elected to statewide office in New York was solidly trounced by his Republican opponent, incumbent Governor George Pataki, garnering a mere 33 percent of the vote.

There has been a sense among some Blacks that the National Democratic Party abandoned Mr. McCall, especially after the chairman of the Democratic National Committee, Terry McAuliffe, said essentially that Mr. McCall could not win.

It was a failure, Lila Rosenblum, 71, a lifelong Democrat, said of Mr. McCalls race. It was like a silent campaign.

After reading the morning papers and listening to the electronic media comments, one would be led to believe it was all McCalls fault.

Not so, and I can cite several reasons why. 

The obvious reason for the loss is Black voter apathy. 

Nationally registered Black voter turnout in primary elections is less than 10 percent and in general elections less than 20 percent.

If Jews didnt vote there would be no Jewish elected officials. 

If Italians didnt vote there would be no Italian elected officials. 

If the Irish didnt vote there would be no Irish elected officials. 

If there were no Black communities, there would be no Black elected officials.

In districts that are predominantly Black, candidates are often elected by a mere handful of votes. Be that as it may, that initial election gives rise to the opportunity to move on to citywide and statewide elections. However, at this level the strategy for getting elected has to change. 

For Black candidates, it is the Black registered voter that holds the key to election success. 

New York City is a Democratic stronghold and usually Democrats win citywide elections. Not always, but usually. However, whenever the Democratic nominee is from the Black or Latino community, the Democrats suddenly vote Republican.

The Black vote has to be a priority for the Black candidate if success is expected. 

This past election was one of the most expensive ever in New York States history, yet Black media got less than a pittance of the $181 million spent. Candidates in national and or statewide elections must prove they can win before they can expect to receive financial support from various sources.

Some blame the Democratic Party for its lack of support for McCall. However, the chairman of the Democratic National Committee, Terry McAuliffe, said essentially that Mr. McCall could not win.

A record of a mere 10 percent turnout of Black voters in primaries and less than 20 percent turnout in general elections, speaks to a weakness in any Black political candidate for city, state or national election. 

Recognizing this during the McCall candidacy, a set of public service ads was designed to prick the conscience of apathetic Black voters, and Black newspapers were requested to run them as a public service. Some did and some simply refused. One publisher became irate over the suggestion and, citing his 40 years in the business, said, I dont run anything for free.

Carlton Goodlett, publisher emeritus of the Sun Reporter in San Francisco, said that a Black publishers duty is to be a servant of the people. Publishers should serve the people by keeping them informed, and defending them from false characterizations, and most importantly, by giving unselfish support to those who aspire to political office to make the case for Blacks in the political halls of this nation. 

It is our duty as publishers to encourage our readership to get involved in the political process by whatever means necessary. Our newspapers are scrutinized daily by those looking to send messages to our community. If we are not speaking directly to the community, we cannot be of service to those who wish to reach them.

Whether or not the McCall loss could have been averted remains to be answered. Media coverage is the key to any candidates success. Two or three of New York Citys Black publishers were diligent in their efforts to get out the vote, but the collective Black media was apathetic.

News articles about the candidates are not sufficient to get out the vote. Black publishers must constantly educate their readership on the importance of voting. Most of all, the Black press should not allow the Black community to forget the last 50 years of struggle for the right to vote and the privilege to run for political office. Weve come too far, marched too long, prayed too hard, wept too bitterly, bled too profusely, and died too young to not take advantage of the battles weve won.

The continued success of our Black elected officials depends on the participation of the registered Black voter. If we expect to win city, state and national elections, we must increase Black voter participation far beyond 19 percent.

The importance of the Black vote is dwindling with each election. The Black vote has traditionally been dedicated to the Democratic Party and for the most part remains so. However, the Republican Party focus is on a new source of votes, the Latino vote. They are converting old Latino Democrats and recruiting new Latino Republicans. These voters are not apathetic; they are committed. Soon they will be the swing voter of choice. Their news meda, both print and electronic, will get the lions share of the political and commercial advertising and the Black press will continue to shrink in prestige and viability. Its just a matter of time before Democrats will focus on the Latino voter and economically abandon the Blacks. 

The McCall candidacy was a rare opportunity for Black Media to make a difference but we failed to act. For that reason our readership, the registered voters we supposedly influence, continued to do what theyve been doing, (19 percent turnout) and we as the Black community continued to get what weve been getting: defeat at the polls. 

Lets do it differently next time!
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