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                  <text>TomPaine.com -- a liberal advocacy organization -- distributed a public call on August 12, 2002 for 300 word "opinion advertisement" similar to those that the organization had been running regularly in the op-ed page of The New York Times.  TomPaine.com received hundreds of submissions from the public, most of which the September 11 Digital Archive has preserved here.</text>
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              <text>	Unlike so many other domestic political issues, racial profiling did not
disappear with the collapse of the twin towers.  Instead, it gained
immediate importance, even as it was dramatically recast.  Before September
11, 2001, eighty-one percent of Americans wanted racial profiling stopped.
After September 11, over fifty percent of Americans said they supported
profiling -- as long as it was profiling of Middle Easterners at airports.
	Using racial or ethnic appearance to describe known suspects works when a
specific crime has occurred and the police have a physical description of
the perpetrator.  In the case of these acts of terrorism, however, all
known suspects died in the hijackings.  The government is now using racial
profiling in an on-going ""war against terrorism.""  But as we have learned
from the ""war on drugs,"" using racial profiles to predict future behavior
is folly.
	Real police work is about observing suspicious behavior, not appearance.
When we use physical appearance as a proxy for criminality, law enforcement
shifts its attention away from what counts - how people behave.  This
approach sweeps huge numbers of innocent people into the investigative net,
squandering our finite law enforcement resources and diminishing the
chances of recognizing aberrant behavior when it happens.  It also
guarantees that we will miss many terrorists who do not fit our image of
what terrorists ""should look like"": the alleged shoe bomber Richard Reid,
""dirty bomber"" Jose Padilla, and homegrown terrorists like Tim McVeigh.
	Racial profiling has the added consequence of alienating the very people
most able to help spot al-Qaeda ""sleepers"" on our soil: thousands of
innocent Middle Easterners, who, instead of being viewed as potential
partners in intelligence gathering, have been detained and treated as
criminals.  
	Finally, statistics on hit rates - the rate at which police find actual
evidence of crime - for officers using racial profiling to identify
criminals, show clearly that this tactic is less effective than policing
that uses behavior rather than skin color as the basis for suspicion.
	Attorney General Ashcroft and his colleagues in law enforcement should
take the lessons of the highway to the airport: Even and especially in a
time of great fear, singling out groups of people for suspicion based on
their physical appearance is neither constitutional, morally acceptable,
nor effective.
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              <text>I had planned a REVOLT AGAINST THE TAX REFUND for September 13, 2001, at
which time a group of us in Manhattan were to meet, tax rebate checks in
hand, and simultaneously endorse the checks over to groups and people
fighting Bush policies.  When the September 11 attack occurred, I
realized I would have to cancel my event.  It couldnt possibly arouse
any interest while the nation focused on the terrorist attack.
That was MY interrupted agenda.

However, the tax abatement issue is still, if not more, critical today
than a year ago. Our needs are even greater but with less revenue to
address them --  our receding economy; our health care crisis; our
worsening environment; our failing education system; the reestablished
deficit; our increasing numbers of poor with the concomitant smaller
numbers of rich controlling greater amounts of wealth, as well as the
necessity for greater defense (but sane and non-threatening to our civil
liberties) measures against terrorism.

Although politicians and government officials have been reluctant to
tackle these problems because of the Republican scare tactic of equating
constructive criticism, even honest discussion, with lack of patriotism,
there is urgent need now to confront the fact that the tax refund plan
must be aborted before our tax base diminishes to the point where our
society will collapse.

With matters approaching a crisis point, we must now re-open the
dialogue regarding ill-advised and harmful Bush policies.  Let us ignore
polls and false Republican accusations of un-Americanism and raise
questions and demands for tax reform and, generally, economic and social
responsibility before it is too late.

I, a 71-year old grandmother, have lived long enough and through enough
war and turmoil to recognize the danger signals.  In the spirit of Tom
Paine, we must debate policies imperiling our well-being, our rights,
our safety, our future NOW in order to maintain a free nation.
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              <text>The events of September 11th brought this nation into an uproar of different opinions and reactions.

One of the hardest hit groups of this country were the political leaders.  They believed we were invincible and their dreams were crushed by these actions.  They were finally able to see that no one country is overly superior above the other and their ego was deflated by the shock of the attacks.  At the time we felt so high and mighty on our ship that we didnt even realize anyone was behind us, and now they see that we have to do something about it.

Another group of people really touched by this are the ones involved in or had someone involved in the tragedy.  Their hearts were heavily stricken and deeply sadden.  It hurts horribly when you lose someone, so these people did open up their eyes to seek more love and closeness.  Their feelings were much more affected than say mine or one of my peers.  Having discussed this with friends, Ive come to see that we are not troubled by these issues.  Im not saying that we are cold-hearted monsters, but since we were not directly hit we didnt get the same effect.  Im sure knowing someone involved would make all the difference, but since I didnt I feel indifferent.  My life did not change much and it resumes pretty much the same.  It might be because I feel useless or because Ive had enough time to think all of this out and understand how all of this works, but I did not take this as a wake up call but as a slight realization that we are not perfect.

So even though we all reacted to this, the state of effectiveness is very 
vast.
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                <text>San Benito High School&#13;
Assigned by John Hand&#13;
English 4</text>
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              <text>The Innocents Abroad 

"You can't blame the innocent," wrote Graham Greene in The Quiet American, touching on a central tenet of the American psyche. "Innocence is a kind of insanity." Schizophrenia might be a more precise diagnosis for a nation that, amidst constant self-reassurance of its status as a "lone superpower," doesn't need much convincing of its own innocence. As Lewis Lapham outlined in a timely Harper's article shortly before the terror attacks last year, Americans tend to see themselves as the citizens of a "virtuous empire," heirs to that fabled city on a hill?a conception that the attacks have only served to strengthen.

If the events of September 11th should have taught us anything it is that 
America isn?t seen by much of the world as it is by itself. Recent 
skirmishes with our allies over the Rome Treaty and American peacekeepers have continued to underscore this notion, signaling a resurgent drift toward unilateralism. But nowhere is a continued perception gap between the U.S. and the rest of the world more pronounced than on the threat of a possible invasion of Iraq. Without a clear reason to go to war, the Bush administration finds itself without a single supporter.  ""But after all"", it seems to say, nodding over at Saddam, ""we?re the innocent ones here!"" Given that preemptive force contradicts the international norm of collective defense, it?s no wonder our allies aren't falling into line.

Writing in Granta shortly after September 11th, Ian Buruma (a European) 
eulogized America's semi-conscious forgetfulness by noting that "the 
promise of freedom in America is precisely to be liberated from the past."
To this I (an American) can only say: "Those who forget the past are 
condemned to repeat it."  Has America forgotten the lesson of September 11th? We sure seem to be trying our hardest.
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              <text>Toward A More Perfect Union:Lessons Learned - Or Not - 9/11

Since 9/11 america was at a stand still of just the thought of planes flying into the twin towers. The main question many people say is this a wake up call for america? In some was many things can be wake up calls but this was much more which has so many words and rumors we just cant describe it.If this is a wake up call I say we as americans have woken up and have seen that there iare dangers out there that dont just affect our government polititions and mililtary,but we the people of america aswell.We finely realized not to let our guard down because we thought we could not be touched critically by third world country terrorist.We opened our eyes to a new reality which many of us may have not wanted to know about.Many americans have learned to be more patriotic due to this insident which brings people loving their nation more than ever.Although there are those who are awake of theis new reality some just want to be living in the past like the 9/11 insident never took place. This insident also gave our president Bush a chance to step up and take charge for america,and keep our country running strong due to the tradegy. 
Its strange to think that there are contries that are dangerous and crupted which think we are the same. Out of all these plans to eliminate terroism hopefully something positive can come from thes bringing positive actions and statements from other countries to bring peace.As a result of this we are ready for anything but the only problem is that we are against terrosits not a country.
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                <text>San Benito High School&#13;
Assigned by John Hand&#13;
English 4</text>
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              <text>I dont like the flag.  Its not ugly per se -- though
its stylistic merits are debatable  its just that its
imbued with so much unnecessary jingoism that I find
it distasteful.  If waving a flag in uncritical praise
of your country and your leader are the marks of true
patriotism, then most Nazis and Soviets were great
patriots, indeed.

The flag is just a symbol and, since it symbolizes
entirely different things to a striking oil worker in
Aceh than it does to a barber or a butcher in Peoria,
I choose not to wave it at all.  For me, that made
last September a lonely time.

Where I differ from most of my compatriots is that I
believe the fault for 9/11 lies not entirely with Al
Qaeda or the stars, but that part of it lies with us. 
It is not that Americans dont have much to be proud
Of -- the stoicism with which we faced the anthrax
attacks and the way we kept America moving by
treating ourselves to SUVs was quite heroic, but we
often behave as though our actions dont have
consequences.

The phenomenon of blowback is a clear demonstration
that our actions do have consequences.  It seems as
though everywhere our troops have been engaged in the
last 15 years (Somalia, Iraq, Afghanistan, Panama),
they have been engaged against former U.S. allies. 
The very dictators, thugs and terrorists we fought in
the 90 s and the ones we continue to fight today are
the ones we ourselves armed.  

During the cold war, we gave aid and comfort (usually
in the form of weapons and money) to anybody who
professed to be against communism, no matter how
brutal their tactics or how empty their ideology. 
Since 9/11, we have given a wink and a nod and a check
to governments around the globe that are repressing
their citizens in the name of anti-terrorism.   A
glance through any days paper will tell of Russian
crimes in Chechnya, of Musharraf consolidating power
in Pakistan by undemocratic means, of protestors in
various countries around the globe being repressed and
beaten in the name of anti-terror all with U.S.
consent.

John F. Kennedy said it best: Those who make peaceful
revolutions impossible, make violent revolutions
inevitable.  In backing dictatorial thugs around the
globe, we are making the same mistakes we made in the
cold war.  How many violent revolutions are we making
inevitable?  How much blowback is now in the offing?

Since there is a strong link between dictatorial
regimes and terrorism, our real self-interest lies in
promoting human rights and democracy around the globe,
instead of turning a blind eye to crimes committed by
undemocratic allies.  Perhaps if we started doing
that, I could start loving our flag again.
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              <text>Toward A More Perfect Union


Nothing characterizes our age more than its inevitability. Only a child
would not expect another terrorist attack. "It is not if but when." And it
is only always a matter of time that "our resilience" will prevail to
everywhere accommodate ""our destiny."" Nothing is more inevitable than "our"
destiny. 

Why all the talk of inevitability? Since 9/11, the official eschatology has been mostly pronounced by those who have the power to make it so. The rhetorical masterstroke has been the unity of Americans to embattle the "evildoers."  Our destiny means "we will prevail" just as surely as we will be offered reasons to prevail. It is around these reasons that the Great Men convene to meet our destiny. 

Caught up in this inevitability have been disparate evildoers: illegal aliens who remain detained without charge, some others held incommunicado, to citizens who don't-watch-what-they-say enough to evade detection of TIPS volunteers. But these are, we are told, the costs of our destiny.

With so much inevitability to preserve, one wonders about the culpability of the Great Men. Our destiny requires blood. About this inevitability we'd do well to recall that not long ago 58,152 persons were destined to die inIndochina. To be sure, these dead were no Great Men. Only one person from the Harvard class of '70 served in combat. Only one Congressman's son ever saw battle in Vietnam.

It turns out that who is either with us or against us is just as possible as our collective future. One thing we can know--even as Iraq and elsewhere become inevitable--is who makes history behind our backs. Often we'll findit has not been, inevitably, "us," but some others whose blood will neverflow eagerly to meet our destiny. 
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              <text>Sept. 11 is my birthday. Last year, after jetting through the night from Washington, D.C, my wife and I had beheld the Pentagon scaffolding only hours before it was struck. I awoke in L.A. to the horror of an event that would change things forever.

At first, like so many others, I seethed with anger, despair, revenge. Then, after the debris cloud had settled, after the better angels of Lincolns time had descended into our own, I began to reflect upon 9-11s larger import. 

The attacks were more than an alarm; they opened a portal into a whole new consciousness. Beyond the detractors who say America had it coming, and the jingoists who say we should never deserve such a terrible blow, there is the growing realization that we cannot act the same way anymore. We cannot be arrogant unilateralists, policing the world at our whim. Oil fields, drug wars and Cold War recidivism cannot dictate our statecraft. There were no excuses for the atrocities of 9-11, but there certainly were motivations. It is our duty to try to understand them, to prevent their re-emergence.

We have learned this much: Democracy is fragile and can be undermined from both abroad and within. Tragedy can be exploited for political and commercial gain. Security without freedom brings neither. Regrettably, the global sympathy that flowed so freely after the attacks has given way to resentment as the administration becomes ever more bellicose. 

Science of Mind, a nonjudgmental religious philosophy founded early last century, stresses the oneness of the universe, the indivisibility of humankind. It is time we ended the archaic duality us versus them  that gave rise to Sept. 11. What unfolded on my birthday  -- a day I will mark with renewed purpose this year --  has made me appreciate that necessity even more.
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              <text>"Toward A More Perfect Union: Lessons Learned - Or Not -Since 9/11"

In the year 2000, candidate George W. Bush spoke of having a humble, non-arrogant foreign policy. Since his presidency, the contrary has been the case. One of his first acts was to intensify the bombing of Iraq, which only increased the hatred towards America. In a letter to the editor of mine to the Salt Lake Tribune dated, Tuesday, July 13, 1993 entitled ""Islamic Grievances"" I wrote:

""Israel and the Palestinians have been going at it an eye for an eye for nearly 50 years and have only reconfirmed the old adages that hate breeds hate and violence begets more violence. Now the United States is being sucked into a similar tit for tat with Iraq.  As horrible as it is to envision, I am convinced that if we do not change our course and deal more seriously and sensibly with the grievances of the Islamic world (whether real or perceived) we will experience the explosion of a nuclear weapon in New York City before the year 2000."" 

The above was written a few months after the initial World Trade Center parking garage bombing in February of 1993. Even though my fear was not accurate in fact, it was close to it in effect. I refer to this only to make the point that I was not surprised with the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001. Since the day after the Gulf War with Iraq ended, one knew Saddam Hussein (and others) would devise ways to take out revenge on the United States. If there had been a full page add in the New York Times so proclaiming, it could have not been plainer.

What have we learned from this horrific incident? The answer appears to be very little in regard to our standing in the world and conduct of foreign policy. Obviously, what was spoken of earlier by the president never saw the light of day, and he and his advisors remain blind and deaf to what is self-evident to most of the rest of the world. How many more 9/11's will it take?
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              <text>September 11: One Year On  Thats Entertainment

The day that sent shockwaves around the world. The BBC marks the anniversary of September 11 with a series of special reports and commemorative broadcasts from across the globe.


BBC Programme Information 7-13 September 2002

As the first anniversary of the terrorist attacks of September 11 approaches, broadcasters are preparing to go toe to toe to see who will win the broadcasting war of attrition which will mean wall-to-wall coverage of the anniversary of the al Qaeda attacks on America. 

The BBC - like almost every other large broadcast and media concern this side of  Washington - is preparing to commemorate the anniversary of what has glibly been called ëGround Zero with round-the-clock coverage across its radio and television stations.  Gathered together under a suitably bathetic.  The day that sent shockwaves around the world banner, BBC coverage will go into overdrive in a way not seen since the actual coverage of September 11 (although BBC World Service did also devote a week of programming to the six month anniversary of the attacks). 

BBC Radio 4, Radio Five Live and the World Service will run extensive commemorative programmes to complement coverage on the terrestrial and digital television stations. BBC1 will also premiere 9/11, a documentary filmed in and around the World Trade Centre when the two hijacked planes struck New Yorks twin towers. 





 The only other recent equivalent precedents in British broadcasting history 

are the deaths of the Princess of Wales and the Queen Mother respectively 

which ñ rightly or wrongly ñ were always going to be subject to a ëwar chest 

programming strategy. In a BBC press release issued in April of this year, acting Director General Mark Byford praised all BBC staff for their efforts in securing overnight figures for the BBC coverage of the Queen Mothers funeral: We should feel very proud of our coverage in providing programmes of real quality, depth and distinction. It was a very big team effort. Our professionalism, skill and outstanding creativity shone through in capturing the events so magnificently for audiences across the country and the world. We are gratified that the large majority of viewers turned to the BBC to witness yesterdays historic funeral service.

The BBC celebrated an audience peak of 7.1 million viewers and a 58.2% audience share in contrast to ITVs 3.3 million and 27.1% of audience share. The BBCs outside broadcast of the occasion pulled together more staff and equipment than the combined studios of Television Centre. A team of more than 350 people, 100 cameras, 15 television mobile control vehicles plus 100 trucks, ten large mobile radio studios and approximately 1,000 miles of cable were used to ensure the successful live BBC broadcast of the procession to Lying-in-State and
the funeral service. Requisite television gravitas was lent to the proceedings by the BBCs resident man-at-arms David Dimbleby, while Fergal Keane was whiskedaway from less pressing business in Lebanon to commentate on events for BBC radio.

It is this sort of infrastructural and logistical muscle which will allow 
BBC Radio 5s Five Live Breakfast to be broadcast from New York. Former BBC Radio One DJ Simon Mayo also presents from New York while the afternoon show presented by Peter Allen and Jane Garvey will be co-presented in Washington and Jerusalem respectively. The BBCs pop music station, Radio 1, will carry live reports from Ground Zero in its Newbeat programme throughout the day. 

 More cynical minds might question the value of sending breakfast radio show teams and broadcasters more familiar with the back catalogues of Britney Spears and the Spice Girls half way across the world to broadcast the days latest hits mixed with on-the-spot interviews with grieving New Yorkers. As if that really wasnt enough, add to that list a specially developed website (  &lt;http://www.bbc.co.uk/september11&gt; 
http://www.bbc.co.uk/september11 which promises to carry archive material, news and information, international views and historical background to help put the events of the past year into context. Live webcasts from Ground Zero are also promised. 

The surfeit of coverage has of course nothing to do with constant speculation regarding the licence fee nor the criticisms levelled at the BBCs rolling news service BBC 24 (annual budget of 50 millions pound sterling compared to SKYs 20 million operating costs) which is caught in a three-way dog-fight between CNN and SKY.

The BBC is proud of the way it handled its September 11 coverage last year - it won a clutch of journalism awards including the Foreign Event Special Award from the FPA as well as the George Polk Journalism Award for its authoritative, wide-ranging accounts of the attacks on America and the war in Afghanistan - pointing to the fact that it was able to take advantage of its international bureaux to bring immediate on-the-spot eyewitness reports. Not ones to normally crow, the BBC (in a report submitted to the Culture Secretary in December 2001 in support of the current independent review of BBC News 24) stresses the strength in depth of BBC reporting: Our newsgathering strength has been in evidence throughout the conflict with experienced reporters on both sides of the front line, including the first Western reporters into Kabul.  BBC News 24 also managed to find a diverse range of contributors, benefiting from its close connection with BBC World, as were more able to persuade news-makers to appear in the knowledge that they would be heard across the world as well as in the UK (including Madeleine 
Allbright, General Musharaf, Henry Kissinger, Benjamin Netanyahu).

Just as was the case with their exhaustive and exhausting royal funerals 

coverage, the BBCs coverage was a logistical and technical triumph (though whether the rogues gallery of interviewees listed truly deserves the epithet diverse is certainly questionable).

But more problematic still is the use of a slick linguistic casuistry more 
commonly associated with hack advertising copywriters and feature film trailer writers - ëThe day the world changed, ëThe day the world changed forever and other tired variations of the same theme - which presupposes an agreed consensual agenda and shared historical marking of the day.

Similarly emotionally charged appeals to some imagined wider public sentiment were expressed in BBC World's 'The Shrine' (31/08/02), a documentary marking the fifth anniversary of the death of Princess Diana as part of the channel's 'Modern Times' series: 

'A powerful and moving account of the astonishing late summer days that
saw a normally genteel Royal park transformed into a site of fervent devotion. 

Richard Alwyns film catches the vigil like atmosphere outside the Palace in the hours before the funeral, the anguish in Hyde Park during the ceremony, and the tranquillity of the night times spent in sleeping bags around fires.' 

Having waded through acres of adjective and the sort of tired prose Hallmark greetings card writers kill for, we learn that Dianas death changed the [British] people. True, blue rinsed pensioners and flags and banners monarchists did weep and wail, but there certainly wasnt the extraordinary outburst of national grief that has been claimed: an extraordinary outburst of media 

coverage yes; but whether the two are mutually exclusive is debatable. We are invited to believe that Dianas death re-framed Britain in much the same way that Ground Zero is Year Zero for world history. The death of a jet-setting royal and the events of September 11 brook no comparison ñ one is the stuff of OK! Magazine specials, the other a tragedy on a grand scale ñ but the framing of both in absolutist terms demands further examination.   

Not only are the invariably starsntrite sentiments attached to 11/09 anniversary coverage bogus; but the need to dress them up in neatly trailed packages withsolemn snatches of music playing beneath suitably reverential tones servesonly to silence debate and to privilege a false new world order discourse decreed from on high in Washington. 

Worse still, as Michael Goldberg writing in Salon (09/07/02) observes, in 
a media glutted world, September 11 couldnt help but become the ultimate reality show. So enamoured were we of its rare shocking authenticity that we replicated its image into infinity and leached it of its meaning. September 11, he argues, has become the political sledgehammer that the US administration can now take to any nut. Radio and television ñ wittingly or not -  provide the dramatic narrative exigencies required to support the risible war noises emanating from Washington and London.

Of course, the BBC is not alone in its use of extra-diagetic music and sundry other dramatic devices to hook the audience - this is symptomatic of a cultural sea-change in news and factual broadcasting which is now regrettably the norm from CNN to Channel 4. 

Nor should it be singled out for its planned September 11 coverage: again, this is demonstrably the case across the board - whether you are in Bermondsey or Baltimore. 

Nonetheless, the rationale behind the decision to film a British Bank Holiday special (27/08/02) of the gardening makeover programme Ground Force in New York  must be questioned (you can probably imagine the scene as the allusive penny slowly drops in some bright spark editors head ñ I know! Why dont we). 

In what must be the worst known case of what the satirical British magazine Private Eye calls WarBalls ñ the linking of anything and everything to September 11 on the flimsiest of pretexts - the Ground Force team of celebrity gardenersundertook its mission to help by rejuvenating a small area for a local communityof New Yorkers who have been deeply affected by the tragedy. In a three dayproject the Ground Force team flew over to New York to surprise actress BetteMidler and the local people of Lower East Side, Manhattan with a garden in  recognition of what the people of New York have been through.

Writing in The Mirror (28/07/02), Jim Shelley commented on the opening scenes of the programme where regular presenter Charlie Dimmock looking at her NewYork holiday snaps ñ replete with twin towers ñ as bearing ëthe unmistakable stench of blatant exploitation. BBC America viewers hopefully wont be quite so squeamish. But why so much coverage? To paraphrase the much maligned Noam Chomsky, the crimes of September 11 are indeed a historic turning point ñ not because of the scale but rather because of the choice of target. 

That, as the New Statesman argued in its leader of 24/09/01, is the reason why British sympathies are perceived as being almost wholly concerned with the sufferings of ordinary Americans because they are ëpeople like us as opposed to ordinary people in the third world (or now, Afghanistan and very possibly Iraq). These are sentiments which would seem to be shared by commissioning editors the length and breadth of Europe. 

There is no question that the terrorist attacks on the twin towers deserve 
to be comprehensively covered, and indeed, deserve to be fittingly marked in tribute to the dead and to the hundreds and thousands of Americans whose lives were irrevocably changed by the events of September 11. Whether September 11 has proved to be the turning point in recent modern history as is so often claimed is a completely different question. Certainly, the events of September 11 have left an indelible mark on the global collective conscious which will not and cannot be easily erased. 

September 11 is without question a day for mourning and reflection on what has passed and what might yet still come to pass.  Let us respect the tragedy of last year without turning it once more into a rolling media jamboree more concerned with audience share,  overnight figures and the repetition of febrile unchallenged half truths about the threat posed by Saddam to western capitals. 

Constant media raking over of the ashes in the guise of tribute might ultimately prove to be as disingenuous in spirit as the dollar hungry ghouls who tout Ground Zero DVDs and Osama Bin Laden toilet paper on the streets surrounding the site where the World Trade Centre once stood. It is impossible to forget the cleaners, firemen, janitors and office workers who lost their lives on that fateful day last year, but nor should we forget the ordinary lives which have already been thrown into turmoil in Afghanistan (and very probably Iraq if messrs Bush and Rumsfeld continue to militate for war against their former favourite despot).

Only this month, the World Food Programme announced that rations to millions of Afghans are to be cut as a result of international donors failure to honour promises to help re-build the stricken country. UN figures calculate that some six million Afghans still need food aid over the next year, but a $90 million shortfall of required aid- or 200,000 tonnes of food- means that the money required for the most basic levels of subsistence is already beginning to run out as Washington and Brussels continue to squabble over who should pay what. Whether the eyes and ears of the BBC and CNN will be on the ground in Kabul - or Baghdad should push come to shove - in quite such numbers when that corner of the worlds anniversaries come around remains to be seen. As is so often the case, out of sight is very much out of mind.

Perhaps George Orwell was only partially wrong when he wrote that if you want a picture of the future, imagine a boot stamping on a human face - for ever. He should of course have said a video loop of two jets crashing into the World Trade Centre.</text>
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              <text>The Bush agenda was not interrupted by the attack upon America's symbols of  power and wealth last year. Indeed, that event provided pretext for the
expedited continuity of its planned agenda, which required in great part any
entry into Central Asian hegemony. There was collateral damage.  But the
agenda remains intact.

The implicit terms of the Bush agenda were to levy executive power into
service for the contracting wealthy sector, and correspondingly to vitiate
resistent Congressional and Constitutional processes by whatever means
necessary.

The Bush agenda began with one such means, unConstitutional corrupt
connivance in the election process.

Once in ""office"", the Bush agenda required withdrawal from any treaty
limiting to its power, and systematic reversals of prior advances towards
human safety, health, equity, civil protection, and employment.

It required limitations on U.S. intelligence services not to pursue Al Qaida
and bin Laden. Preparatory defensive tactics were contrary to righteously
conquering Afghanistan, and also to family loyalties--i.e., the Carlyle
Group--towards the bin Laden clan.

In aggressive preparation for war, the Bush agenda endorsed the ransacking
of five trillions promised for Social Security, and even telegraphed their
immediate use, on August 24, 2001, by the words that the Social Security
trust fund would only be reduced in times of war. (NY Times)

In further preparation, the Bush agenda shipped munitions to Diego Garcia,
just off Pakistan, (NY Times, August 30, 2001) as needed for (a yet
unannounced) war.  There was also the order to keep U.S. jets on the ground
in case of hijack, contrary to prior practice.

The Bush agenda needed one thing more, a blood-curdling pretext for war--and
its corollary, dictatorial power.  That pretext happened eerily, though not
innocently, beyond the Bush agenda's greatest expectations.
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              <text>HEAVILY THICKENING TO EMPIRE

	I used to think he was too pessimistic.
	When I first read Robinson Jeffers poetry, I thought he gave up on the
idea of America too quickly.
	In Shine, Perishing Republic Jeffers spoke of America heavily
thickening to empire.
	In Be Angry at the Sun he wrote:  America must accept like the
historical republics corruption and empireÖ
	I rejected that.  Fired by Dr. Kings nonviolence and the civil rights
movement, I believed America was getting more democratic, free, equal. 
Vietnam War resistance fueled my hope that America could reverse the
transition to empire.
	Those hopes are dimmer.
	Once, Americans believed in leading by example.  And our ideals of
liberty and justice for all, though penned by slaveowners, did inspire
freedom fighters from Selma to Soweto, from Gettysburg to Gdansk.
	Now the sun never sets on the American Empire.  US military bases circle
the globe.  American culture, language, commerce, music, media, movies,
athletes rule.
	International organizations bend to American willóor else we
ignore/defund them, or force their leaders to resign.  We view allies as
assistantsóor we just go it alone.
	The UN, which America largely created, is now denigrated.  US-inspired
treaties are honored only if convenient.  International banks are
pressured to force smaller nations to cut health/education budgets, and
vote for leaders we prefer.
	America bestrides the globe, like Rome, like Britain.
	Example has become Empire.
	After 9/11, we need to askóis an empire what we wanted?  It has, after
all, been tried previously, with poor results.
	In Shine, Perishing Republic Jeffers was pessimistic about our ability
to change course:  And protest, only a bubble in the molten mass, pops
and sighs out, and the mass hardensÖ
	Was he right?
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              <text>Talking About An American Surprise
 
Earlier this summer many of us were worrying about an October surprise.  Now, whatever happens in October, it won't be surprising. Despite what looks increasingly like a  deliberate disinformation campaign about plans to attack Iraq, the American public is beginning to get a very clear picture about what kinds of things to expect from this administration so far. And that new understanding is what people of all political persuasions are talking about the most now, 
in the press, in private homes, across shop counters, and even in elevators. It's a discussion whose time has come, and it will continue to grow.
 
For no matter what October (or even November) brings, there is a real American surprise unfolding, and it is the one that counts the most. People all over the country, conservatives and liberals alike, are suddenly thinking again about the U.S. Constitution and what it means to them, about the balance of powers, and about our precious rights as citizens. Ordinary people are talking more and more among themselves about the fundamental American character, about who we are as a nation and about who we want to be in the future. There is a broad new public consensus that as a people we are unwilling to turn into something completely different and morally repugnant, no matter what kind of internal or external danger we face. You could even say that a year after September 11th, 2001, we the people, if not our government, are rising like the proverbial phoenix, reborn from the sacrificial fires of the World Trade Towers.   
 
This growing grass-roots American rebirth is a process that will only get stronger as time goes on, because in the last year we have learned that we need to take care of ourselves.  We can no longer safely assume that what's good for business or good for some government officeholders is 
automatically what's good for us. We have also learned, as our own government has repeatedly told us, that neither our FBI nor our CIA can really protect us from terrorists. Before September 11th, 2001, any kind of terrorism in the U.S. had the advantage of surprise. That is no longer true.  
And we know the action of ordinary American citizens all paying close attention to what's happening around them seems to work faster than an army of spooks working full-time, whether or not they are one department called Homeland Security. 
 
So, because of this new American awakening, all future ""surprises"" whatsoever will also be judged by those standards we share in our Constitution, our Bill of Rights, and our best vision of ourselves. Now we know that our core values, the finest things in our shared national heritage, 
are under assault, from within as well as without. We understand that is the greatest danger we 
face.  We know if we lose contact with our people's historic moral compass and do not consistently base our actions on it, we will surely go down to defeat in the end, sooner or later, a rogue nation ourselves.  In fact, what we are seeing here at home now is nothing less than the beginning of what Jacob Needleman calls in his book, The American Soul, "" the second American democracy.""  As a people, we have know now that the most dangerous alternative to our best is 
very real.  That is, our America could decline into the kind of soulless despotism of which Benjamin Franklin spoke, when he said ""{our form of government} can only end in despotism . . .when the people shall become so corrupted as to need despotic government, being incapable of 
any other.""  We know the administration's proposed preemptive strike on Iraq could be the beginning of our country's death spiral into despotism. This is true, even if our new doctrine of the right to preemptive strike is actually just a bait and switch operation, or a provocation in itself.
 
Now, there are people who will argue, with some justice, that the American government has long been a morally bankrupt entity, perpetrating crime after crime, and not just abroad. And there will also be those who point to differing interpretations of what is moral in our culture (as documented 
by George Lakoff in Moral Politics). But this is not the time to focus on that history or those differences as we deepen our natiosnal conversation. Current realities prove again that when the chips get far enough down, there is a bedrock set of morally sound ideas and values most ordinary Americans share and want to see our government uphold, as sociologist Alan Wolfe demonstrated definitively in his 1998 book, One Nation After All.
 
Right now we are mourning once again the fallen of September 11th, 2001. And some of us are rising up to vigorously protest the shortsighted new military doctrine of preemptive strike. But it is vital that we all continue and deepen our vigorous democratic conversation about how core 
American values apply to the full range of problems we face today, at home and all around our planet. That is true patriotism, not some rush to action deeply against the American grain. We need a president who can surprise us by rising to this challenge.</text>
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              <text>9/11 was a wake up call for us because we finally
realized that we should be more united. When we opened
our eyes we saw that we weren't as safe as we thought
we were. Before 9/11 we felt secure about our country
so we would  do our daily chores, worked, shopped, and
attended school. Now any one who is a noncitizen will
make us very uncomfortable and we tend to get away
frome them because we are afraid of getting hurt.
Which made us criticize more often of people who dress
different and follow another culture than us.

We have seen other disasters or tragedies in other
countries and have felt and seen their needs
afterwards. But 9/11 was something that made an impact
in our lives and now we see things differently it
hurts more what it is going out in the world. We have
learned that there is a lot of evil and mean people
all over the world and it seems like there is a
continuous World War. Different countries are just
fight ing without cause or just for what they think
seems to be right for everyone. The ones that always
pay for it are innocent children and people who don t
have part in what is going on. There are many other
there who don t like the way we live in democracy so
they want to get rid of us. We can salvage anything
good from 9/11 but it depends on each one of us
because we all live in a different world in our heads.
 So what I learned from 9/11 will be different from
some one who lost a relative.
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                <text>San Benito High School&#13;
Assigned by John Hand, English 4</text>
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              <text>The 9-11 attacks have made contesting the issues of corporate globalization more vital than ever, for they have shifted the basis of legitimacy of the system from unfulfilled, discredited promises to fear.  Fear of the terrorist enemy, fear of the unknown, fear of the repressive power of the system itself.

If we who value liberty and real democracy retreat now, the system will
consolidate its hold on every aspect of life and set the global agenda for
decades to come.  Yet we are called to act at a time when action seems dangerous, frustrating and sometimes hopeless.

In an unsafe world in which we have real enemies, we cannot easily
delegitimize fear.  But we can delegitimize the need to be ruled by fear, by acting strongly and visibly with courage, vision and love.

Acting from courage isn&lt;pi&gt;t easy, but we already know how to do it.  In our
personal lives we face and overcome fear every day:  the fear of making
mistakes, of failing, the fear of opening up to love for another vulnerable,
flawed and mortal human being.

When we act with courage, we feel good about ourselves, so good that we find the resources we need to face even violence and repression.
For the opposite of fear is love.  Not abstract, insipid, greeting card
love, but gutsy, passionate, mother-tiger love, for the best of what America is supposed to represent, for that promise of liberty and justice for all that has never fully been realized.

That's the lesson I take from 9-11.  To undermine a system based on fear, don't accept the limited choices it poses.  Choose vision.  Choose hope.  When we do, we mobilize powers stronger than fear: the great invincible forces of creativity and love.
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              <text>Lesson Learned?


After 9/11, many people asked, ""Why do they hate us so much?""  The answer
holds the key to making successful foreign policy.  But, America ignores the
answer and continues to mishandle an explosion of apocalyptic rage that can
be all too easily repeated.  

The grievances against the U.S. are many and damning.  The terrorists say
that we are a terrorist nation, exporting arms and conducting wars of
self-interest at will.  They say we are a shallow, self-absorbed,
prejudiced, gluttonous, and violent people.  Facts support these charges.
We must respond to the truth in them or be doomed to perpetual terror.
 
The terrorists are succeeding.  Our ill-conceived war mentions them every
day.  World opinion about us is at historic lows.  Wrapping prudent
defensive measures in the language of war or Hollywood does not protect us.
An eye for an eye will lead to an eye for an eye.  Any thought to the
contrary is deluded and will only lead to a false sense of security.    

We must follow our own counsel to war-ravaged nations and end the madness of
war.  We should launch a Peace Initiative under the auspices of the New
York-based United Nations and devote ourselves to an inconceivable good that
memorializes those who fell on 9/11.  Fund AIDS programs, provide debt
relief for developing nations, capitalize alternative energy institutes.  

Our response to terror should be informed by the lessons of modern history.
Our teachers trod the paths of terror before us and won victories without
firing a shot-Gandhi, Gorbachev, King, Sadat.   These men of vastly
different nations, colors, creeds, and times, show the way. They applied
themselves to a just cause--the unity of mankind--and their followers
rallied, withstood the onslaught of hate, and prevailed over evil.  We
should do likewise.
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              <text>"Toward A More Perfect Union"

I love the America that revealed itself last September 11: the office workers instinctively helping coworkers and clients escape, the quick-thinking aviation administrators immediately grounding all planes, the fearless firefighters ascending the doomed staircases all the way to heaven.

Throughout all the heartbreak of that awful day and since, I have loved 
America.  But even more than I love America, I love the idea of America: the 
notion of equality, respect and fairness. The assurance that everyone plays 
by the same rules. 

This is the foundation of our Republic. 

But there is an opposing notion.  The ancients called it hubris, and it is 
the foundation of Empire.  It is wantonness, insolence, violence, and 
outrage. It is the idea that we can impose our will on other nations just 
because we have enough power to get away with it. It is the idea that we can 
ignore the rules that are binding on all simply because we believe that only 
we are righteous. It is to willfully forget that, in Solzhenitsyn's words, 
the line between good and evil runs through the center of each human heart -- 
and through each human culture -- and that therefore we cannot run roughshod 
over someone else's rights. Or someone else's country.

Some are openly hoping for an American Empire.  But there is a better way of 
spreading Americanism: let us preserve the American Republic.  Let every 
person and every nation know that there is a stable, safe place ruled by 
equality, respect, and fairness towards all.

Let us make sure that September 11 will be remembered as the day when true 
American heroism revealed itself -- not as the day when the American Republic 
died and the American Empire was born.
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              <text>Toward a More Perfect Union


 
   Whenever there is a calamitous national event, such as the terror attacks of 9/11, the American impulse is predictably patriotic. We rally around the flag, mourn our dead, and mutually reaffirm our convictions and character as a nation. 
   This is as it should be, and only the cold-hearted and cynical could fault such a reaction. However, the inevitable impulse to ëprotect and defend is endangering our society by blinding us to that which truly threatens us in the first place: our callous and arrogant attitude toward the third world, coupled with the hypocrisy of our foreign policy. Despite our enormous generosity as a nation, we are widely despised, even by those we feed and clothe. Terrorism is engendered by attitudes which our own behavior helps to create.
   While the efforts to improve security are important, no amount of increased vigilance can completely preclude individual acts of terror like those witnessed last year. One determined zealot with a suitcase-sized nuclear device could potentially cause a calamity far greater than the one we suffered on 9/11. We simply cant defend ourselves against those kinds of attacks without destroying the liberties and freedoms that we consider essential to democracy. Terrorists understand this only too well, and will continue to try to exploit this fact.
   Instead, it would be more productive to at least attempt to understand the emotions and attitudes which give rise to terrorism, and find ways to combat it by rebalancing our policies and behavior around the world. In particular, our totally blind support of Israel must change. Using our power and influence to force Israel to conclude a fair and just peace with the Palestinians would do far more to enhance our national security than any domestic spying operation, ethnic profiling, or saber-rattling could ever do. 
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                  <text>TomPaine.com -- a liberal advocacy organization -- distributed a public call on August 12, 2002 for 300 word "opinion advertisement" similar to those that the organization had been running regularly in the op-ed page of The New York Times.  TomPaine.com received hundreds of submissions from the public, most of which the September 11 Digital Archive has preserved here.</text>
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              <text>What were the issues in the national news in the days leading up to 9/11?  
The fact is I tuned out not long after the 2000 non-election.  The feelings 
of powerlessness and anger it engendered were overwhelming.  My teeth would  
grind every time I heard George W. Bush referred to as the ""President elect"" 
so I vowed not to look at the news again for four years.  

I had employed the same strategy during the tenure of Bush the elder with 
some success.  After surviving eight years of  Reagan, the extension of his 
reign by proxy swamped my endurance and I determined to ignore the whole 
thing.  I stopped watching the nightly news and my mental outlook did 
brighten a bit.  I thought I could do it again this time.  I was wrong.

Because, truthfully, even before 9/11, Bush the youngers thundering missteps 
in governance  (the tax cut, the repudiation of  the Kyoto Accords), troubled 
my deliberate inattention with a vague unease like the vestiges of a 
nightmare.  I said to myself, ""Of course there will be some damage but in 
four years time we can begin to mend.""  I was lying to myself.  I was hoping 
for the best.

Then the towers came rumbling down.  And with them went whatever restraint 
those-who-would-be-our-masters might have had about robbing and enslaving us 
as rapidly and as completely as they can.  The intent is so blatant that it 
cannot even be masked behind a thick lacquer of patriotic rhetoric.  There is 
no ignoring it.  But, it may be that their gleeful exploitation of 9/11 will 
be their downfall.  For now they have shown the world plainly what they are. 

The agenda before 9/11 and the agenda after is the same really.  The 
difference is now I am fully awake to the consequences of  waiting in silence 
and letting these stupid, greedy, privileged thugs have their free and 
unfettered way with it.  I am only sorry it took me so long and I apologize 
for my feebleness and my fear.  Now I must speak.  Now I must oppose.  
Please, let millions of others awaken as well and do the same.  It is our 
only hope.  
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